Meeting of the Parliament Business until 17:08.

Meeting date: Tuesday, December 2, 2025

Official Report 804KB pdf

---

Violence against Women and Girls

The next item of business is a debate on motion S6M-19970, in the name of Shirley-Anne Somerville, on uniting local and national efforts across sectors to end violence against women and girls. Members who wish to speak in the debate should press their request-to-speak buttons.

14:54  

As I open our annual debate marking the 16 days of campaigning against gender-based violence, I reflect once again on the continued importance of this debate and of the part that it plays in the parliamentary calendar. As 2025 draws to a close, violence, abuse and misogyny remain a grim everyday reality for women and girls in Scotland and, although real strides have been made to ensure that women and girls can be equally safe, we have much more to do.

That is in part because violence against women and girls evolves. The tools that perpetrators have to draw on evolve, and the rapid evolution of technology has created new tools for abuse. Home security systems, wearable devices and artificial intelligence-generated deepfake images are increasingly enabling the mass creation and sharing of exploitative content. Research indicates a proliferation of harm towards girls online. A recent survey by Girlguiding reported that 77 per cent of girls and young women aged seven to 21 have experienced online harm in the past year. For those reasons, this Government acknowledges the importance of the UN Women theme “UNiTE to end digital violence against all women and girls”.

Online abuse has wide-reaching impacts. Beyond the direct harassment, it limits women’s and girls’ ability to take part in online spaces, to learn, to voice opinions, to socialise and even to do their jobs. As our equally safe strategy outlines, technology-facilitated violence against women and girls is both a cause and a consequence of gender inequality. It happens because of women’s unequal position in society and it exacerbates that inequality by limiting the freedom, choices and opportunities of women and girls.

Exposure to online content harms boys, too. At an age when boys are questioning their identity and searching for belonging, online spaces increasingly provide a warped framework for an understanding of gender roles and societal norms.

Misogyny is potentially now being written into our future. AI and emerging technologies are not neutral. Unless they are specifically designed with care and with women and girls in mind, they replicate existing biases, particularly sexism and racism. Social media platforms are fuelling hatred against women, with algorithms, data sets, systems and search engines delivering sexist, sexualised and abusive content even to those who are not actively seeking it. They often promote harmful messages that equate masculinity with dominance over women, emotional suppression and aggressive behaviour. If we do not find an effective way to regulate now, those systemic biases will become further entrenched. We are storing up problems for the future.

There are no easy answers for any legislature, any Government or society as a whole. The speed of change can feel alarming, but together we have to find a way. I note that the guidance that Ofcom published at the start of this year’s 16 days campaign includes a range of practical safety measures that the regulator is urging tech firms to adopt to tackle those harms, and in the Parliament today, I urge tech companies to take immediate action in line with the guidance. Indeed, I urge them to go above and beyond what is needed to comply with their legal duties under the Online Safety Act 2023. We need to be ambitious in the standards that we set for women’s and girls’ online safety, and I know that many campaigners are concerned that the guidance does not go far enough.

Internet services are reserved. This Government has worked with the United Kingdom Government to get the 2023 act amended and strengthened, but we are clear that we must continue to press for further protections. In January this year, the Minister for Children, Young People and The Promise and the Minister for Victims and Community Safety wrote to UK ministers inviting further co-operation between the Governments on online safety, particularly in relation to protecting children and young people, and urged further legislative action. We will continue to work with the UK Government to do all that we can to protect our citizens from online harm. In October, ministers met Jess Phillips, the UK Minister for Safeguarding and Violence against Women and Girls, to discuss our shared aims of protecting children and young people from online harms and tackling violence against women and girls.

The First Minister, the Minister for Victims and Community Safety and the Minister for Children, Young People and The Promise have all written to tech companies about the need to take meaningful and tangible action to tackle online harms, and we will continue to press that point.

Within devolved powers, the Scottish Government is proposing to consult on potential new criminal law and associated measures to tackle online harm. That is in response to growing concerns about the effectiveness of existing legislation and the ability to make progress through the justice system. The consultation will seek views on proposals to create a new offence to criminalise the non-consensual creation of deepfake images. That is due to the growth of apps that enable people to create deepfake pornographic images of another person.

Of course, we have already enacted criminal law to tackle people who share or threaten to share deepfake, intimate or pornographic images of another person without their consent. Through the UK Government, we are informing the developing Council of Europe instrument and recommendations in relation to combating technology-facilitated violence against women and girls.

In recognition of the significant and wide-ranging risk of harm, the First Minister established the online safety task force—with joint ministerial leadership from the Minister for Children, Young People and The Promise and the Minister for Victims and Community Safety—to provide oversight and direction across the Scottish Government. It is reviewing current activity and considering priorities for action within the devolved powers that are available to the Scottish Government.

In order to end violence and discrimination against women and girls, men and boys must be seen as much more than part of the problem; they have to be integral to the solution. Research indicates that a rise in misogynistic content in digital echo chambers presents particular challenges for secondary school-aged young people. We are, therefore, in the process of co-creating a campaign with young people. Co-creation is critical to developing credible and effective messaging that reflects young people’s lived digital experiences and understanding of misogyny. I thank the young people and the third sector experts who continue to work with us to shape the campaign, and I look forward to updating the Parliament ahead of the proposed launch date in February 2026.

To demonstrate how successful campaign work can be, it is worth reflecting on last year’s sextortion campaign, which was developed with Police Scotland and the Crimestoppers youth service, fearless. It is believed to be a key factor in the 2023-24 32.2 per cent decrease in reports to Police Scotland of sextortion.

Our schools framework on preventing and responding to gender-based violence is clear about the need to create a positive, safe school culture. We are also committed to supporting Time for Inclusive Education’s new digital discourse initiative, which helps schools to equip children and young people with the skills to navigate the digital media and counters the impacts of disinformation and online hate. We are delighted to have been able to support the first stage of that work, to help teachers and learners with skills to tackle the issue.

The online world is not always negative. The digital space offers opportunities for services and survivors. Those who work with survivors of abuse have told us that digital delivery is an integral part of the support that they offer. That is particularly the case for organisations that support younger women, enabling increased access to choice and, in certain circumstances, expanding offers of support. That includes video calls and apps for one-to-one and group support and counselling, as well as online chat as a helpline option. QR codes can enable discreet access to information, whereas picking up a leaflet would immediately identify the woman as a possible victim.

That is why we have established a violence against women and girls digital inclusion network, which is made up of specialist violence against women and girls services, the Mhor Collective and others, to consider how we can improve access to information and advice for survivors of technology-facilitated violence against women and girls.

I will end my opening remarks by paying tribute to the extraordinary work of violence against women services across Scotland. Those support services are life saving, but it is not just in the vital area of direct support and advocacy that they are making a difference; extraordinary work is being done to raise awareness, to educate and to prevent violence before it begins. To each and every one of them, I give my thanks.

As I said at the beginning of my remarks, it is important for legislators and Governments to face up to the challenges of the technological changes that our society faces. Those are difficult. Often, perhaps, we are criticised as Parliaments and Governments for acting too slowly, for implementing too slowly or for reflecting on a debate that has already passed in a society that has moved on to other things. It is a challenge that we will all need to rise to, next session.

I move,

That the Parliament unites in its commitment to 2025’s 16 Days of Activism against Gender-Based Violence campaign; warns that digital violence is the fastest growing form of abuse against women and girls worldwide; highlights the UN Women campaign, “UNiTE to End Digital Violence against All Women and Girls”, which reminds everyone that digital safety is central to gender equality; recognises that protecting women and girls online will take concerted societal action from all spheres of government, tech companies, organisations, institutions and individuals, and commits to strengthening efforts to prevent violence against women and girls across all sectors and in all its forms.

15:04  

Violence against women and girls can be physical, sexual or psychological. Violence against women and girls and misogynistic violence are on the increase. That is a fact.

The Scottish National Party’s equally safe strategy is failing, and we are facing a national emergency—and not just in digital terms. The number of sexual assault cases has risen by 4 per cent since 2024; the number of annually recorded incidents of domestic abuse has increased by nearly 55 per cent over 20 years; Scottish authorities have identified multiple child grooming clusters in Fife, North Lanarkshire and Inverclyde; and the number of rape and attempted rape cases has risen by 11 per cent since 2024.

Presiding Officer, I do not know who is talking, but I am finding it off-putting.

In Glasgow alone, 1,200 women have received treatment for female genital mutilation in the past five years.

Presiding Officer?

I am sorry, Ms White, but I just cannot hear what you are hearing. Please continue.

The Scottish Government’s definition of violence against women and girls views gender inequality as a root cause of such violence. Does the Scottish Government mean sex—biological sex—or gender? The two are completely different. The Equalities, Human Rights and Civil Justice Committee discovered that the public sector equality duty—with sex, not gender, as one of the nine protected characteristics—was not being monitored correctly, and that risk assessments are hit and miss in Scotland. Language matters, data matters and outcomes matter.

Female genital mutilation affects only girls and women. FGM is a painful procedure that involves cutting or altering the external female genitalia. Like all other forms of violence against women, FGM is practised because of deep-rooted systemic inequalities that discriminate against women and girls, and, because it is frequently done to girls, it is child abuse.

The Female Gentle Mutilation (Protection and Guidance) (Scotland) Act 2020 has not been implemented. The Women’s Support Project said that the Alnisa service in NHS Lothian reported a 50 per cent increase in FGM cases in 2023. The Prohibition of Female Genital Mutilation (Scotland) Act 2005 made it an offence to have FGM carried out abroad, with a maximum penalty of 14 years’ imprisonment. The 2020 act aimed to strengthen the legal protection for women and girls at risk of FGM, and yet, as we heard during today’s topical questions, five years on, the act is still not in force, and no one has been convicted in Scottish courts for offences under the act. No one has been prosecuted in this country.

As Rebecca McCurdy said in The Herald only yesterday, the failure to enforce the legislation is a five-year betrayal of women. Women who contributed to the bill are right to be disappointed, and that is an understatement. Women experiencing abuse struggle to get justice, and the legal aid system is broken. We are at a crisis point. Scotland faces problems with misogyny, while the SNP has dropped plans for misogyny legislation. Earlier this year, a report found that there is evidence of sexism, misogyny and violence against women in Police Scotland, at both institutional and individual level. Misogyny has been identified in Scotland’s schools, with a report finding that female teachers and pupils face frequent abuse and sexual taunts.

I want to pick up on a point that the cabinet secretary made about schools. She said that we must have a positive and safe culture in our schools, but the situation is getting worse, rather than better. This is a crisis in our school system, and child-accessible pornography has become a huge issue.

In April, the Supreme Court ruled that the Scottish Government’s interpretation of “sex” was wrong. In the case of For Women Scotland v the Scottish Ministers, the Supreme Court ruled that the legal definition of a woman is based on biological sex. The SNP Government is still refusing to amend its policy, which allows biological men in women’s prisons. SNP ministers are defending their policy to allow criminals who identify as women to serve sentences in female jails.

The Sullivan review noted that conflating sex and gender identity undermines trust in public services. Not recording biological sex accurately particularly affects women who rely on single-sex spaces for safety and dignity. Such spaces include domestic abuse refuges, prisons and hospital wards.

Safety matters. Women are being let down when they are at their most vulnerable. In the Women’s Rights Network report on safety in our hospitals, of the 198 hospitals that were the subject of freedom of information requests to Police Scotland, 133 were unable to respond, stating that the data was not kept. That is shocking. It is also deeply troubling that, in the 57 hospitals that retained data, 276 sexual assaults and 12 rapes were recorded. Sexual assaults were recorded in at least 13 of the 18 psychiatric hospitals. The incidence of assaults in psychiatric hospitals was highlighted as a major concern, and I have two spine-chilling cases in my constituency.

Non-fatal strangulation—NFS—is increasing as a severe form of domestic abuse. In June 2022, England and Wales made NFS a stand-alone crime, followed by Ireland in 2023. US legislation has made strangulation a serious stand-alone criminal offence, which has been linked to reduced intimate partner homicide rates, with 14 per cent fewer women killed. NFS can cause brain damage, organ failure, mental ill health and death. The evidence indicates that non-fatal strangulation laws reduce intimate partner homicides, yet the Scottish Government still will not have NFS as a stand-alone crime. Why not, when the evidence is so compelling?

We support making NFS a stand-alone crime. Dr Pam Gosal’s Prevention of Domestic Abuse (Scotland) Bill must be supported. We must have an inquiry into grooming gangs in Scotland. In 2026, there must be a prosecution for female genital mutilation, and the Scottish Government needs to deliver single-sex spaces to keep women safe.

The vast majority of people in Scotland now see that the cult of gender ideology is harmful to women and girls, and no one—not even the Scottish Government—is above the law.

I will end with the words of the treasured Scottish poet Magi Gibson, as a thank you to all the courageous women who are fighting for the rights and safety of women and girls in Scotland today:

“Thankfully this crazy spinning globe is blessed with women holding up their half of the sky, and more Warrior women, battle wearied, bone tired, soul sore, while systems form to keep them down, oppressed, powered by politicians dumbed as Clydesdale ponies Ploughing ever deeper the same old furrows as they lumber onward, blinkered, never turning, to see exhausted women’s bodies piling up behind”.

Immediate action is required. Women will not wait.

I move amendment S6M-19970.2, to insert at end:

“; recognises, however, that violence against women and girls takes place both online and offline, and that clear action is needed from the Scottish Government to tackle it; emphasises that reported crimes against women and girls in Scotland are rising; welcomes Dr Pam Gosal MBE MSP’s Prevention of Domestic Abuse (Scotland) Bill, which, if passed, will tackle violence against women; questions the lack of Scottish Government support and legislative deliverance to tackle violence against women and girls; urges all public bodies to ensure that they are following the Supreme Court’s judgment on the definition of ‘sex’; raises concern about the reports of grooming gangs in Scotland, and calls, therefore, on the Scottish Government to urgently establish an inquiry to understand the extent of the abuse and the action necessary to tackle it.”

I remind members who are seeking to speak in the debate to check that they have pressed their request-to-speak buttons.

15:13  

I am pleased to open the debate for Scottish Labour and to reaffirm our support for the 16 days of activism against gender-based violence.

For more than 30 years, the 16 days campaign has raised international awareness of gender-based violence and the need for action to tackle it. We commend the work of the campaign and the thousands of organisations, including those in Scotland, that have supported it. This year’s 16 days campaign is welcome, as it highlights the growing threat that online spaces, services and technologies pose in relation to gender-based violence.

Digital violence is now one of the fastest-growing forms of the abuse of women and girls, with digital tools being used by men to engage in harassment and abuse on a daily basis. Digital tools have empowered men and boys to engage in new kinds of abuse and violence, such as revenge porn, deepfakes, catfishing and trolling. I welcome the cabinet secretary’s proposal on deepfakes and I look forward to considering it in detail. Digital violence also negatively impacts the mental health and wellbeing of women and girls. It often leads to offline forms of abuse and violence, including femicide.

The level of digital violence that is experienced and witnessed by women and girls in Scotland is particularly shocking. More than a third of women in Scotland have witnessed online violence and more than one in six have experienced it. Online violence is an even greater problem among younger women in Scotland, with nearly 30 per cent of 16 to 24-year-olds having experienced it. Six in 10 of the women who have experienced online violence also reported enduring negative impacts on their mental health and wellbeing.

Women and girls across Scotland lack confidence in the Scottish Government and Police Scotland to tackle online violence. More than three quarters of women who reported online violence were not satisfied with the outcome, and more than 60 per cent of women believe that the police lack the necessary resources to tackle online violence. Women and girls in Scotland are more likely to seek support from friends than from the police when they experience online violence, and less than 15 per cent of women have confidence that the Scottish Government is doing all that it can to tackle online violence.

Earlier in this parliamentary session, I was pleased to lead, alongside Pauline McNeill MSP, Scottish Labour’s consultation on ending violence against women and girls. Respondents to our consultation made it clear that there must be better controls available on online platforms and that social media companies should be legally accountable for online violence that occurs on their platforms. Although the Online Safety Act 2023 and Ofcom’s new guidelines on improving online safety for women and girls are welcome, there is clearly much more that can be done, such as exploring the introduction of legal requirements for social media companies. Respondents also highlighted the need for Police Scotland to be better resourced and for specific offences to be created in relation to cyberflashing and the creation of intimate images.

Although the Scottish Government’s motion focuses on digital violence, we must also recognise that the issue affects women and girls in all areas of life, including in public spaces such as schools and workplaces. I commend trade unions such as Unite, Unison, the Educational Institute of Scotland, the National Union of Rail, Maritime and Transport Workers, the Transport Salaried Staffs Association, the Union of Shop, Distributive and Allied Workers and many others that have published reports in recent years outlining the growing scale of the problem.

The NASUWT found that nearly half of female teachers in Scotland have experienced physical abuse or violence from pupils in the past year. The public sector trade union Unison has exposed the shocking rates of violence faced by workers across the public sector. Unite, the RMT and the TSSA have highlighted the increase in violence and sexual attacks on our trains and buses, particularly against female members of staff. The transport unions are calling for a specific offence of assaulting a public sector transport worker, similar to the one that we created for retail workers. Sexual harassment is endemic in Scotland’s workplaces, with nearly 10 per cent of women workers having experienced work-related sexual assault.

However, despite the alarming scale of violence across Scotland, we must accept that Government efforts have been largely ineffective in tackling the issue. Just a third of Scotland’s schools are signed up to the equally safe programme. Less than half of the rape and attempted rape cases that make it to court result in a conviction. Domestic abuse and sexual crimes are reportedly on the rise. Cuts have been made to funding for Rape Crisis and other support services for women and girls who experience violence. In my region, there are campaigns for closed-circuit television to be installed in parks after rape and sexual assaults have taken place. Our train network has fewer staff and reduced ticket office opening hours. As Tess White said, the Scottish Government also abandoned its misogyny bill.

There are clear actions that the Scottish Government could take now that would help to tackle violence against women and girls. For example, we must introduce a cross-campus strategy in all our schools to address sexism, misogyny and the growing influence of far-right social media on the behaviour of young men and boys in schools and other educational institutions across Scotland.

I welcome today’s debate, but I hope that, in the coming budget, ministers will provide sustainable funding for support services for women and girls, including funding for an expansion of the pilot of independent legal representation for rape victims and reliable funding for Rape Crisis and Scottish Women’s Aid.

Scottish Labour will support the Scottish Government’s motion due to our shared commitment to tackling violence against women and girls, but we are clear that more can and must be done, and we will work across the chamber to achieve that.

I call Maggie Chapman to open the debate on behalf of the Scottish Greens. You have up to six minutes.

15:20  

I refer members to my entry in the register of members’ interests: I worked for a rape crisis centre before I was elected.

Deputy Presiding Officer,

“You deserve to be punched. And then some.”

“That’s surely a bloke.”

“You need dealt with.”

“Go to Palestine then, and see how they treat women there.”

“You’re an it.”

“Why don’t you f-off back to Rhodesia.”

Those are all direct quotes from comments on my social media. It is a pretty sanitised selection; nonetheless, it is a wonderful mixture of sexist violence and imperial misogyny. Those are just the tiniest drops in the ocean of online violence that women and girls face all the time.

During these 16 days of activism, we gather again to confront a truth that should haunt us all: violence against women and girls is not only pervasive but deeply political. It is produced and reproduced by the patriarchy, by inequality and by systems and structures that place men’s comfort above women’s safety every day. As the saying goes, to those who are accustomed to privilege, equality feels like oppression.

Engender’s briefing for MSPs lays it bare: violence is endemic. In 2023-24, Police Scotland recorded nearly 64,000 domestic abuse incidents. Sexual violence is rising and online abuse is growing, with one in six women in Scotland having experienced digital violence. Young men are being radicalised into misogynistic extremism at alarming rates.

As Katy Clark outlined, the Open University’s 2023 survey found that 17 per cent of women have experienced online violence. The figure is much higher for younger women, with more than a third having witnessed online violence. Further, 71 per cent believe that current legislation is ineffective, and 11 per cent of women who experienced online violence say that it progressed to offline violence.

The survey also found that online anonymity, the ease of getting away with it and misogyny are the most commonly perceived reasons why people—mostly men—commit online violence against women and girls.

The survey reported that nearly a third of those who experienced online violence were more likely to seek support from friends than the police. More than three quarters of those who reported online violence were not satisfied with the outcome, and 85 per cent said that it affected them, with six in 10 reporting that it had a negative impact on their mental health and wellbeing.

Those numbers are horrific, but behind them are real stories that are worse. One survivor recently recalled:

“He didn’t need to hit me in the street. He could reach me on every device I owned. I felt like there was nowhere in the world that he couldn’t get to.”

Another said:

“I stopped reporting because nothing changed. Except the threats got worse.”

Another survivor said:

“I reported every threat he made online. Screenshots, timestamps, everything. They told me it was ‘just words’. Two weeks later he was at my door.”

Those are not isolated stories; they are the reality for thousands of women across Scotland.

Digital violence is not separate from real-world violence. It is the same violence but delivered through new tools—tools that are designed, owned and regulated overwhelmingly by men, and used by the far right to radicalise, recruit and spread hatred.

We must be absolutely clear that the far right does not protect women. It harms women, and it uses our safety as a weapon to justify racism, transphobia and attacks on migrants. Many who shout loudest about protecting our women are perpetrators of abuse. Last year’s riot arrests plainly tell us that, as does what I have witnessed personally on the streets of Aberdeen and Dundee. Misogyny is the gateway drug of extremist politics.

However, misogyny is not only out there; it is here, too, in this political environment, in our work communities and in this building. Women MSPs, along with women of colour, disabled women and trans women, know that our everyday online spaces are filled with misogynistic threats.

We know that some of that hostility is fuelled—directly or recklessly, deliberately or not—by political actors. When fellow parliamentarians share or encourage posts that identify women MSPs who vote in certain ways on sensitive topics, they effectively create targeted lists. They are actively making us less safe. Calling that “accountability” is a grotesque distortion. It is intimidation, and the parliamentarians who have done that should be ashamed of themselves. Such behaviour must end.

Neither can we ignore those who are most at risk. Trans women and non-binary people experience even higher levels of violence. Sex workers who are pushed underground by criminalisation are made less safe by our laws. Migrant women with no recourse to public funds remain trapped with abusers because our system denies them the means to survive with dignity and independently. Disabled women face disproportionate levels of coercive control. Racism compounds misogyny. All that is part of the same structure of gendered oppression.

If we want to end violence, we have to dismantle the patriarchy. That requires primary prevention—the deep structural work that Engender and others rightly demand. It requires women’s equality to be embedded in every policy area, including housing, transport, education, planning and social security. It requires toxic masculinity and harmful gender norms to be challenged, and it requires political courage. Survivors are tired of our caution. As one woman said:

“I kept waiting for someone to be brave enough to say the real problem is men’s violence and to deal with it. I am still waiting.”

If we are serious about eliminating gender-based violence, those kinds of comments cannot go unacted upon.

Let us be brave today. Let us name the problem: the patriarchy—structural sexist violence. Let us commit to real change.

15:26  

I am very glad to be opening for the Liberal Democrats in this important debate.

Before I go any further, I thank Maggie Chapman for her typically excellent contribution. I salute her indefatigability in sharing with us appalling examples of the online abuse that she has received. I am aware that many female colleagues in the chamber will have received similar abuse, and I stand with them in friendship and solidarity and give them my support. Such abuse only underlines the reach of the challenge that is before us.

I am also grateful for the tone that the Government has sought to foster on the issue and for the tone of Shirley-Anne Somerville’s motion.

Violence against women and girls is a national emergency. It is one that is deeply rooted in misogyny and the patriarchy, enabled by silence and worsened by systems that still fall far below our expectations and fail survivors far too often. Today’s debate gives us the chance to speak with one voice in this chamber in condemning it. Violence against women and girls has no place in our country, in our homes or society, or in our workplaces or classrooms. However, just saying that is not enough. We have to act, and we must do so with the seriousness that the emergency demands of us.

The United Nations’ 16 days of activism campaign begins this week, and it shines a light on something that every woman in this country already knows—that the abuse and harassment that they have faced for far too long has now shifted into new venues and frontiers. The digital sphere has become a deeply damaging front line in this age-old problem. We have heard something of that today.

I was reflecting on the fact that the first time that I spoke in a debate on this issue, on the eve of the 16 days of activism, was nine years ago. At that time, AI was barely an academic concept. Now, the systems that are in the phones in our pockets, in our computers and in our laptops allow people to track someone’s location without their knowledge. AI can be weaponised to create intimate images that were never even photographs. Women are being harassed, threatened and manipulated from behind anonymous accounts. This crisis is evolving faster than we can pass laws that are meant to protect women.

Violence is not just moving online—tragically, it is rising everywhere. The most recent crime figures show a 22 per cent increase in reported domestic abuse in the past year alone. Reported rape and attempted rape have risen by 11 per cent. That is outrageous, and it is an indictment of our ability to grapple with the issue. Behind every statistic is a woman who was victimised when she picked up the phone and asked for help. Far too many still feel that they cannot do so.

I pay tribute to my colleague Beatrice Wishart, who has been a tireless and compassionate champion for women and girls, especially through her work as deputy convener of the cross-party group on men’s violence against women and children. Her leadership is invaluable, but Beatrice will be the first to say that leadership across the chamber must be collective—it must involve men, too. This is an issue on which we must all speak with one voice.

My party believes that the Government must take the following actions to address the emergency. It must finally commence part 1 of the Domestic Abuse (Protection) (Scotland) Act 2021. The emergency protections that it contains could be shielding women from danger right now; instead, they have sat on the shelf for years. Every delay has consequences, and survivors cannot wait any longer.

We must swiftly add sex as a protected characteristic under the Hate Crime and Public Order (Scotland) Act 2021. In the next session of Parliament, we should review whether a separate piece of legislation, such as the approach that was recommended by Baroness Helena Kennedy, is needed to properly tackle misogynistic harassment and hate.

We must protect girls in our schools. Reports of sexual harassment, coercion and assault among pupils have grown significantly in number, but guidance for schools and local authorities is inconsistent. Girls deserve to learn without fear, and teachers deserve clarity and support—we must ensure that they get both.

We must make it easier for survivors to report abuse and find help. Currently, too many women are forced to retell their traumatic experience to a revolving door of agencies and departments. That is why we propose establishing a single point of contact on abuse in every local authority, so that survivors have to tell their story only once and can be guided through the system with dignity and without retraumatisation.

We need to address abuse in our criminal justice system and train lawyers and judges to understand when legal abuse and coercion through the courts are taking place. We will all have casework examples from our constituencies in which an abusive partner who has declared bankruptcy and qualifies for legal aid will use that reality to try to ruin their victim financially.

We must also ensure that every housing officer and front-line worker is trained to identify domestic abuse and respond properly to survivors. Front-line staff are often the first people to see what is happening behind closed doors, and they must be equipped to act.

Finally, we must adopt a presumption that, in cases of domestic violence, the perpetrator and not the victim is the one to leave the shared home. It is barbaric that so many women and children are still forced to flee the place where they should feel the safest. If someone chooses violence, they, not the person whom they harmed, should lose their home.

This is not a women’s issue or a party-political issue; it is a national issue and a human issue, and it is one that demands every ounce of our collective political will. Scottish Liberal Democrats stand ready to work with every party in the chamber to stamp out gendered violence, wherever it occurs and whatever form it takes. Women and girls across Scotland deserve nothing less.

We move to the open debate.

15:33  

In this debate to mark the 16 days of activism against gender-based violence, I think that we are united in our commitment to end violence against women and girls in all its forms, online and offline. As has been said, this is not just a women’s issue; it is a societal crisis that demands action from every sector, community and individual.

Let us begin by confronting a difficult but urgent reality: the pervasive nature of online pornography and its impact on young people, especially boys. Recent research by the Children’s Commissioner for England has revealed a disturbing link between boys’ exposure to violent pornography and subsequent harmful sexual behaviour. In half of the cases examined, acts of sexual violence that are depicted in pornography, such as strangulation or slapping, were mirrored in real-life abuse among children.

Boys are more likely to actively seek out pornography, and repeated exposure reduces shock and confusion, normalising harmful behaviours and making them seem acceptable. By the age of 15, most boys have seen pornography, and a significant proportion report that they want to act out what they have seen.

In Scotland, we are not immune to that. A major Scottish study by the University of the Highlands and Islands found that 86 per cent of boys aged 13 to 15 in the west of Scotland had viewed online pornography. NHS Scotland’s own research highlighted that 41 per cent of popular online pornography videos that it analysed depicted violence against women. The content distorts young people’s understanding of sex, relationships and consent, and it normalises aggression and exploitation. It is not only a matter of curiosity, as we sometimes hear said; it fundamentally shapes attitudes, which ultimately distorts relationships and fuels abuse. The trauma that is inflicted by that exposure can also be profound, and boys become victims, too. Experts warn that the eroticisation of violence in pornography can lead to traumatised sexuality, difficulties in ultimately forming healthy relationships and, in some cases, a cycle of aggression or, alternatively, dissociation.

I put it on the record, up front, that this is a public health problem that we cannot afford to ignore, and I welcome the efforts to work with the UK Government to address this important reserved area. However, if we are to end violence against women and girls, we must also address the role of men, not as bystanders but as active allies and agents of change. Engaging men and boys is crucial to shifting the societal norms that underpin gender-based violence. Men have a clear role in challenging toxic masculinity, rejecting harmful stereotypes and modelling healthy relationships. That means speaking out, as we have seen with the very successful Police Scotland “Don’t be that guy” campaign. Men have to recognise that ending violence against women is not a burden for women to shoulder alone; it is a collective responsibility, and men have to be at the forefront of the movement.

I hope that the promotion of the white ribbon campaign by Ben Macpherson will continue. Now that he is in a ministerial position, we need somebody to pick that up—I see that he is pointing at Paul McLennan, behind me, which is excellent. To remind members, the white ribbon symbolises a pledge to never commit, condone or remain silent about violence against women and girls. To pick up Maggie Chapman’s earlier point, all men here, particularly those who are in this profession, should not remain silent and should speak out regardless of whether they agree with a person’s political party or view. We all need to do that.

Frankly, our efforts are undermined when the Government fails to prioritise women’s safety, dignity and privacy. The Scottish Government has made public commitments, but its actions have often fallen short. Sometimes, that has been because of complexity, and I understand how difficult such matters are. However, I reiterate—all members in the chamber know that this is my view—that the Supreme Court decision has made it clear that, for the purposes of the Equality Act 2010, “sex” means biological sex.

Picking up on an earlier point, the decision to shelve legislation on misogyny disappointed many people, and we have heard that reiterated today, but at least there is now action to add sex as a protected characteristic. It was ridiculous that women, who make up 51 per cent of the Scottish population, were the only group not to be covered. I do not underestimate the systemic nature of the challenge, however, and, in some respects, we are still at the early stages. We still do not routinely disaggregate data across policy making by sex—nor do other data collectors—in order to glean critical insights, particularly around economic measures. That is a point that I have consistently reiterated.

If we are truly committed to ending violence against women and girls, we must address the root causes, including the commodification of women’s bodies. The Prostitution (Offences and Support) (Scotland) Bill, which Ash Regan has introduced, is a critical step forward. By criminalising the purchase of sex, the bill targets demand, not those who are exploited by the sex trade. I know that the Government has some concerns relating to amendments that would be needed to the bill, but I hope that the Government can support it at least through stage 1, to make a statement that we, in the SNP, agree with the principle. That would send a clear message that women are not commodities to be bought and sold. Until we challenge and dismantle the systems that treat women as objects for consumption, violence will persist.

Let us unite not just in words but in action to build a society in which every woman and girl is safe, respected and free to live with dignity.

15:40  

Every year since I entered the Parliament in 2021, I have spoken in debates on sex-based violence and on the 16 days of activism. However, sadly, things are not any better today—in fact, they are getting worse.

The theme of this year’s 16 days of activism is “UNiTE to end digital violence against all women and girls”. With technology playing a more prominent role in our lives, digital hate is constantly on the rise. What can start as a seemingly harmless message, comment or post can spiral into something dangerous. From misogynistic comments to private photos being shared without consent and deepfakes that include the faces of women and girls on naked bodies, the internet is becoming an increasingly dangerous place for women and girls. As if that was not shocking enough, we keep seeing younger and younger girls being victims of this terrible violence.

Sex-based violence is not just a global phenomenon; it affects women in Scotland, too. The domestic abuse figures that are released by the Scottish Government remain appalling. With almost 64,000 incidents reported to Police Scotland in one year—that amounts to one incident every 10 minutes—we clearly need to do better. At the same time, the numbers of cases of sexual assault, rape and attempted rape have also risen in the past year. That is just the tip of the iceberg, because the majority of cases go unreported.

On Thursday, along with the Women’s Rights Network Scotland, I sponsored a vigil to commemorate the 46 women who have been killed by men in Scotland in the past five years. They were somebody’s daughter, sister, mother and friend—most important, they were somebody whose life has been lost and whose family has been shattered.

Last week, in response to a question that I asked him on the subject, the First Minister indicated that he had attended similar events in his constituency. However, I was disappointed that not one single SNP MSP attended the vigil outside the Parliament.

Will the member take an intervention?

The SNP Government has this debate at this time every year and claims to be a champion of women’s rights. However, shockingly, it cannot even define the word “woman”, and its policies put women at risk, including by putting dangerous men in women’s prisons.

On a point of order, Deputy Presiding Officer.

Please resume your seat, Ms Gosal. I call Christine Grahame.

I seek your guidance, Deputy Presiding Officer. Pam Gosal said that not one member of the SNP attended the vigil. I gave my apologies to her, and she accepted them and conveyed her thanks. I just thought that I should correct what was said.

Thank you, Ms Grahame. That is not a point of order. Please continue, Ms Gosal.

At the same time, the SNP refuses to call for a grooming gangs inquiry, all in the name of political correctness, and chooses to bury its head in the sand as if grooming gangs are not a problem. The problem is not going away, but the SNP keeps kicking the can down the road. That is why I am proud that the Scottish Conservatives will keep bringing up the issue until justice is served.

Given that the debate is on uniting local and national efforts across sectors to end violence against women and girls, I would like to take some time to speak about an event that I attended in East Dunbartonshire. Last Monday, East Dunbartonshire Women’s Aid hosted an event entitled “Empowering Deaf Women to Report Domestic Abuse”. Deaf women and girls who have been domestically abused must overcome extra hurdles that are not necessarily experienced by women and girls who can hear. We heard first hand that Police Scotland and women’s aid organisations, with the latter already being short on resources, do not always have British Sign Language interpreters or staff who have the knowledge of BSL. At the same time, many interpreters do not feel comfortable taking up domestic abuse cases. It was also shocking to hear that many deaf women were not aware of words such as “consent” and “coercion”.

As the police do not gather data on disability in domestic abuse cases, it is difficult to identify the extent of the problem. Those women are already being let down by the current systems and they are let down further when they are at the most vulnerable stage.

The Scottish Government likes to brag about its equally safe strategy, which is more than welcome, but the picture on the ground is different, as more needs to be done. That is where my Prevention of Domestic Abuse (Scotland) Bill comes into play. The bill would introduce a domestic abuse register that will operate in a similar way to the sex offenders register by helping authorities to better monitor those who are convicted of crimes of domestic abuse. At the same time, the bill would put in place a mandatory assessment of whether someone is capable of rehabilitation, while also mandating domestic abuse education at schools. Finally, my bill would improve data collection so that the Scottish Government and authorities would have a clearer picture of which communities are affected more than others, such as the disabled or black, Asian and minority ethnic communities.

My bill has been backed by the third sector and survivors of domestic abuse. Tomorrow, the Criminal Justice Committee will take evidence on it, and I hope that it is supported by members from all parties at stage 1 and stage 3. I hope that members can come together for once and agree that the current model is simply not good enough. Things will not change overnight but, as parliamentarians, it is our duty to ensure that no more lives are lost to sex-based violence.

15:46  

I am grateful for the opportunity to speak in this important debate during the 16 days of action to end gender-based violence. It is up to us all to work together to prevent and end violence against women and girls and we must also address the underlying attitudes and systems that perpetuate it. To do that, we must unite our efforts across local, national and third sector plans to fully tackle violence against women and girls.

West Dunbartonshire, which is part of my constituency, continues to have the second highest rate of domestic abuse in Scotland. For many decades, a key source of support throughout my constituency was Clydebank Women’s Aid. I have mentioned its superb work in previous speeches but, unfortunately, it announced its closure earlier this year. I worked closely with that organisation for more than 20 years, so I know how tirelessly it has worked and how much of an impact it had on the lives of those most in need. Women, children and young people deserve to live a life free of fear and violence, and Clydebank Women’s Aid has been a crucial source of support for those who have experienced domestic abuse.

The closure was a real blow to our town, and I am extremely disappointed that that decision was made and that the organisation was not better supported with secure funding from the Labour-run West Dunbartonshire Council. It has left Clydebank vulnerable without a vital service, which is why I am speaking today to push for more for my town to ensure that it is not left behind in cross-party and cross-Government efforts to end violence against women and girls.

Clydebank is a clear example of why it is vital that we unite local and national efforts in tackling this issue, and that is why I am glad this year to support the reclaim the night march in Clydebank, which is organised by Clydebank Women Supporting Women and the youth charity Y Sort-It. The march will allow us to stand together in solidarity, raise awareness and challenge violence against women and girls in Clydebank and beyond. My sincere thanks go to Clydebank Women Supporting Women and Y Sort-It for organising that important event.

I welcome the fact that the Scottish Government has taken a number of steps to legislate for action on domestic abuse, including the Domestic Abuse (Scotland) Act 2018, which created a specific offence of domestic abuse that incorporates coercive and controlling behaviour. Through the equally safe fund, the Government will provide £21.6 million to 115 projects that focus on preventing and eradicating violence against women and girls.

Gender-based violence is a harsh reality that is experienced by our mothers, sisters, daughters and friends. It knows no bounds and it significantly impacts the individual and even wider society.

The theme of the 16 days this year, led by UN Women, is “UNiTE to end digital violence against all women and girls”. It reminds us that violence is not just physical; it follows survivors into digital spaces. It highlights the growing threat of online harassment, image-based abuse and digital coercive control. Digital spaces should be safe for everyone but, unfortunately, they are not. I know that many of my female colleagues have faced online abuse in their role as MSPs. That is simply not acceptable.

Digital violence is the fastest-growing form of abuse against women and children worldwide. The development of digital technologies such as artificial intelligence poses new risks for women and girls, such as the development of deepfakes. Action is required across all policy areas, with Government and tech companies all working together to respond to the added risks that that may pose to women.

I therefore welcome the fact that the Scottish Government is giving the issue absolute priority and is working to deliver the equally safe strategy for preventing and eradicating violence against women and girls. I am pleased that it has established an internal policy group on technology-facilitated violence against women and girls, in recognition of the cross-cutting nature of the issue. That work seeks to accelerate the Scottish Government’s strategic approach to tackling the issue, including how it further strengthens its approach to addressing online misogyny. We know that we will see real change only when those who perpetrate domestic abuse, the majority of whom are men, change their behaviours and actions. We need to educate boys from an early age about respect for women, consent and empathy for others. That is an invaluable tool to tackling this abhorrent issue and changing societal behaviour.

Imagining a Scotland without gender-based violence should not be difficult. It is achievable, and I am pleased to see the work that is being done on it by the Scottish Government. It is vital that we continue the momentum and unite to ensure that women and girls can live a life free from fear and violence.

15:52  

As we mark the 16 days of activism, we have a chance to reflect on the on-going impact of violence against women on our society. The sad truth is that 60 per cent of women who are murdered are murdered by someone who was supposed to love them. That statistic is shocking and seems to change little, regardless of the action that we have taken.

We live in a society where misogyny is prevalent. Those perpetrating it are being emboldened, as is the case with most hate crimes, while hiding behind anonymous social media accounts and being empowered by manosphere influencers.

Other members have highlighted what online pornography teaches our young people about sexual relationships: it not only influences boys in how they treat women; it influences girls as to what they should expect from relationships. It promotes violence against women at a very early age, and that needs to change.

We have an opportunity during these 16 days of activism to do something positive. This year, the Prostitution (Offences and Support) (Scotland) Bill has come to the Parliament. The bill seeks to decriminalise those in prostitution, criminalise sex buyers and provide routes out for those who are being exploited. The Scottish Government has accepted for more than two decades that prostitution is violence against women, yet we still criminalise women and do nothing about those who create the demand. Let us not shy away from the truth. Prostitution is a multibillion-pound industry worldwide, and those who are making their living from exploiting others will not easily give up their lucrative trade. We have seen the level of opposition to the bill, and it is often spurious. The whole trade is founded on misogyny—the idea that women can be sold as a commodity and the buyer feels free to use them in the way that they see fit, not as human beings to be treated with respect.

The truth is that one cannot buy consent—so, basically, we are turning our back on rape on an industrial scale. Women in prostitution live in danger; it is not a normal job. None of us would want our daughter, sister or mother to be exploited in prostitution. If it would be wrong for our own, it is surely wrong for everybody else.

The damage, both mental and physical, that prostitution causes is horrific. In this Parliament, there is no excuse to be unaware of that. Survivors have come and given us their testimony, yet, for the most part, MSPs have not heard them. It is upsetting and frightening to hear their experiences and, once you have heard it, you cannot unhear it, but those are not excuses to do nothing.

It is desperately sad that the Scottish Government, which recognises that prostitution is violence against women, cannot give its whole-hearted support to the bill. Every bill that comes through the Parliament is amended in one way or another. Many of the issues that are dealt with in the bill should already be in place—it should not need legislation. We should already have well-funded exit routes for those in prostitution if we really believe that it is violence against women. We should not be convicting women of soliciting offences if we really believe that it is violence against women. We should be allocating the blame for this abuse where it sits, which is squarely with the sex buyer.

The cross-party group on commercial sexual exploitation carried out research on online pimping. Many platforms, from Vivastreet to OnlyFans, advertise this work. Women are sold in Scotland today on an industrial scale. Those sites try to suggest that they take steps to ensure that their sites are not used by traffickers and exploiters. However, a quick look tells us otherwise: identical photographs, the same email address and the same phone number are used for multiple women. Women are trafficked into Scotland and then around Scotland to feed the demand, and that is violence.

France, Sweden, Ireland and many other countries have taken steps. They have implemented the policies that are included in Ash Regan’s bill. They have cut the rates of violence against women and they have furthered the cause of equality. It is clear that countries that tackle prostitution find that their society becomes more equal. Pay is more equal and caring responsibilities are shared. We should not be surprised by that, because, if one sex is commodified, it surely leads to the impression that they are less worthy than the other sex, which can use them as commodities. Because of that, prostitution impacts the whole of society and not just those who are exploited. Prostitution leads to women being treated as commodities.

If we really want to change, we have the opportunity to do so, so let us grasp it and let us back the unbuyable bill.

15:57  

At the outset of my speech, I want to be clear that men need to do better. There is no excuse for violence against women and girls and, as the statistics show, the main perpetrators are men.

In the past, some considered it to be normal to be violent against women and girls, and some would consider those to be the so-called good old days, when aspects of life were allegedly better than they are today. In those so-called good old days, there was more deprivation, more children were failed at school because of an undiagnosed additional support need, and more women were denied opportunities because their place was at home. There will be many other examples that colleagues from across the chamber could name.

Sadly, too many men associate gender-based violence with masculinity and being macho, but there is absolutely nothing macho about being a bully.

The motion that we are debating mentions national and local efforts. Although we can all agree that violence against women and girls is a global issue, it is important to consider how actions at different levels can effect positive change. At Commonwealth Parliamentary Association conferences, there is always a workshop dedicated to this issue, and some of the testimonies heard by delegates have been horrendous and sobering. Different countries have different cultures and considerations around women and girls and how the issue is dealt with varies, including how it is policed. At the recent CPA conference in October, an MP from South Africa highlighted that, in the rural border areas between South Africa, Mozambique and Swaziland, domestic abuse is, sadly, commonplace. It is not always reported to the police and, on many occasions, the perpetrator will go back home before being caught and dealt with.

I therefore want to reflect on Tess White’s amendment, which states:

“reported crimes against women and girls in Scotland are rising”.

It is always a concern to see the number of crimes rising, but, in this instance, I believe that it shows that more women and girls feel empowered to come forward to report such attacks. On the one hand, that demonstrates why we must keep challenging gender-based violence. However, if more perpetrators are caught and dealt with, that is also a positive.

I turn to Ash Regan’s amendment, which was not selected for voting on later. I do not disagree at all with the sentiment behind her bill, but it is still going through the parliamentary process, so I await the stage 1 report by the Criminal Justice Committee. I thought that the recent correspondence from the Swedish police was useful information on what she is trying to achieve.

Maggie Chapman lodged an amendment that is also not up for voting later. It highlighted the problems with “toxic masculinity” and the need to take

“concerted action on misogynistic behaviour online”

and it called for plans to tackle online violence to be

“developed as part of the next refresh of Equally Safe”.

I whole-heartedly agree with her on those points. Social media is pervasive and is being used by bad actors to spread toxic masculine ideas en masse. Those platforms are used to influence young and impressionable boys and adult males who should, quite frankly, know better.

Members know that I keep my private life private and very rarely mention my family here in Parliament, but, for the sake of today’s debate, I will reflect on being a father of two daughters. My wife and I have raised them to stand up for themselves, to take no nonsense from anyone, to be careful when they go out and to just get away if they see any sign of trouble. I am sure that every parent in the chamber has probably done the same. I want my daughters to love life and savour every moment because it really is precious, and keeping themselves safe, particularly online, is an essential part of that.

However, I am also conscious that the messages that we give our kids should not be gendered. If we teach girls how to keep themselves safe but do not teach boys the same, choosing to brush off violent and misogynistic behaviour as boys being boys, we face a losing battle and are doing women and girls a huge disservice.

Fundamentally, there is no easy answer or quick fix—if there was, it would have been found by now. However, educating children about how to be kind to one another, to be respectful and to look out for each other, regardless of their differences, goes a long way towards improving society. Many people will respond by saying that that already happens, but this is not just about teaching that to our kids when they are young. We must also ensure that we, as adults, reflect that message in our behaviour and that we repeat it as our children grow older. Toxic masculinity harms boys and men as well as women and girls. Education to help boys and men away from that is absolutely essential; education is a crucial part of the wider debate.

In closing, I implore every man in the chamber and every male who is watching this or who reads the Official Report at some point in the future to challenge the attitudes that we have been discussing today. We must challenge those attitudes and behaviours whenever we hear or see them, not only during the 16 days of activism but on every single day of the year. Failure to do so will only make us complicit.

16:03  

I am glad that the Scottish Government has brought to the chamber this debate on the importance of tackling violence against women and girls. Like other females across Scotland, I hope the fact that it has done so signals a new SNP approach to protecting the rights of women and girls, because, up to this point, there has been precious little evidence that the issue is anywhere near the top of the agenda.

In fact, the Scottish Government’s attitude to the protection of women and girls is not at all fairly represented in the text of its motion today. A clearer picture can be seen in the Government’s refusal to launch an inquiry into grooming gangs in Scotland, in the on-going and disgraceful situation relating to males being housed in women’s prisons and even in the shocking lack of action on everything from domestic abuse to the shocking year-on-year increases in rape and sexual assault. If SNP ministers were genuinely serious about ending violence towards women and girls in Scotland, they would do more than just offering warm words in this chamber.

Victims of child grooming gangs in Scotland cannot enjoy even warm words from this Scottish Government. From the First Minister down, senior ministers have repeatedly refused this much-needed investigation. Victims in other parts of the UK are finally getting the chance of justice and answers, but in Scotland—yet again—things just have to be different.

On the Conservatives’ side of the chamber, we have tried for quite some time to persuade the Scottish Government to change its mind, but attempt after attempt has been thwarted. When the Scottish Conservatives recently tried to put in a freedom of information request to find out more about the mysterious national child sexual abuse and exploitation strategic group, we were met with a bizarre rejection. In obstructing the publication of information, the response used policy language about marine planning as justification for the secrecy—marine planning, on the matter of grooming gangs! That was clearly a mistake at Scottish Government headquarters, but that sloppiness and negligence summed up rather well the SNP’s attitude to the matter.

What is more, further research by my colleague Liam Kerr found a complete absence of interest in the strategic group. We should remember that the Scottish Government claims that the establishment of the group negates the need for an inquiry, so we would think that attending its meetings would be rather important for senior Government ministers, yet the Cabinet Secretary for Justice and Home Affairs has never been, the Minister for Victims and Community Safety has not turned up either, and even the Minister for Children, Young People and The Promise has yet to grace a meeting with her presence. Victims and members of the wider public will find it incredible that, on the one hand, the SNP cites the group as evidence of its tough response to child exploitation yet, on the other hand, no senior minister has seen fit to even show up to the meetings.

The continued refusal of this Government to hold a grooming gangs inquiry is a national disgrace. There is evidence of grooming in every part of Scotland, yet every part of the Government would rather close its eyes and pretend that it has not happened. It is a blinkered and shameful approach and it must change now.

We often hear ministers lament the number of women who are incarcerated in Scotland’s prisons. They are rightly described as being among the most vulnerable females in society and we know that, far from being feared and notorious criminals, many of them are victims of crime and abuse themselves. Despite all of that, however, the SNP is refusing to change its policy of allowing dangerous male criminals who happen to just think or say that they are females to be housed in women’s prisons. We know that those men do that because they are arrogant and abusive, because they want to pose a threat to women and because they think that they will have an easier life than they would have in a male prison. They are taking the system for a ride. The Supreme Court’s ruling on sex was abundantly clear and it is a disgrace that the Scottish Government has not heeded it. There should be no men in women’s prisons. It really is as simple as that.

Women and girls across Scotland are frightened for their safety. Domestic abuse is on a constant increasing trajectory and we know that it is females who bear the brunt of that. They are also usually the victims when it comes to rape—another crime that is on an alarmingly rising trend. In the current session of Parliament alone, 39 women in Scotland have lost their lives to male violence. There are so many things that our Government could be embarking upon to help to turn the tide on this. It could back my colleague and friend Pam Gosal’s Prevention of Domestic Abuse (Scotland) Bill, which would create a domestic abuse register. It could get serious about misogyny laws. It could properly resource a justice system that gets tough on perpetrators, punishes and then rehabilitates properly, and serves up a robust deterrent to would-be and repeat criminals. Only then will the women and girls of Scotland really believe that this Government is on their side.

16:09  

I welcome the opportunity to contribute to this important debate. The 16 days of activism campaign remains a stark reminder of the violence and abuse that far too many women and girls continue to face. As we mark this period in Parliament each year, we must do more than acknowledge that that is unacceptable. We must ask whether we are truly doing enough to change the realities of women’s lives and ensure that they are better protected from violence and abuse in all their forms.

This year’s focus on digital violence, which is now the fastest-growing form of abuse worldwide, is both timely and necessary. Digital spaces are increasingly central to young people’s lives, to women’s work and to our social interactions, yet they remain hostile environments for too many.

Although digital violence is our specific focus today, it sits within the wider continuum of gender-based violence that pervades homes, communities, workplaces and public spaces. Globally, the scale is devastating. Around one in three women will experience physical or sexual violence in their lifetime. More than a quarter of women aged 15 to 49 who have been in a relationship report that they have been subjected to physical or sexual violence by a partner. As many as 38 per cent of all murders of women are committed by intimate partners. Humanitarian crises, displacement and emergencies heighten those risks and, as we saw during the Covid lockdowns, existing inequalities can quickly escalate into new forms of harm.

Here in Scotland, sexual violence and domestic abuse have persistently increased. We are also witnessing a rise in misogynistic abuse in transport, healthcare and education settings—and, of course, online—yet, despite the commitments that have been made, the Scottish Government has not prioritised the roll-out of the equally safe strategy, nor backed it with the long-term resources that are required.

The decision to drop the planned misogyny bill was a profound disappointment. Given the First Minister’s stated commitment to tackling misogynistic abuse, it was a moment when actions failed to match words. If we are to protect women and girls effectively, we need legislation, proper funding and decisive leadership.

There is growing evidence on what works to prevent violence against women. The RESPECT women framework, with its seven strategies and range of interventions, highlights successful interventions that prioritise women’s safety, challenge unequal gender power relationships, are participatory and start early in life. If we are to achieve lasting change, we need to enact and enforce legislation, allocate resources to prevention and response, and implement policies that promote gender equality. As elected members, it is our responsibility to push the Scottish Government to deliver on those principles.

It is equally important that we support education and awareness within our own communities. I am grateful to the many survivors who, despite trauma and loss, continue to empower others and help to create change. Tomorrow evening, I will join the Fife reclaim the night march in Dunfermline and the “Let’s talk” event afterwards, which is part of an on-going community effort to end violence against women and girls.

Across schools in Fife, many pupils participate in the mentors in violence prevention programme, which equips young people with the language and confidence to challenge the attitudes and cultural norms that underpin gender-based violence, bullying and abuse. It encourages active bystander behaviour and empowers young women to support their peers. Although I understand that all local authorities engage with the programme, delivery is not consistent across all schools. Time pressures and competing priorities create challenges, but we must ensure that schools are supported to deliver that vital preventative work.

In the digital sphere, we know that online platforms have become fertile ground for misogyny, harassment, grooming and coercive control. I recognise the steps that have been taken by the UK Government through the Online Safety Act 2023, which, though not without implementation challenges, is a necessary and important step in delivering stronger protections for young people. Online spaces have been difficult to police precisely because safety was not built into platform design from the outset. Holding platforms accountable for the content and behaviour that they host is overdue.

The motion highlights the UN Women “UNiTE to end digital violence against all women and girls” campaign, which rightly asserts that digital safety is now central to gender equality. It calls for co-ordinated action across Governments, tech companies, institutions and individuals. It mirrors the approach that we must take: requiring transparency about harms such as cyberbullying, online abuse and harmful content; promoting digital environments that are resilient to disinformation; and ensuring that Ofcom delivers on its role in safety by design, transparency, agile regulation and inclusivity.

We should not underestimate the difference between the online world today and the environment in which many adults grew up. Children and young people navigate risks that did not exist even a decade ago. Research into the impacts of smartphones and social media on wellbeing, particularly for girls and young women, is still emerging, and policy makers must not lag behind the technological realities that are shaping young people’s lives.

The rise in misogynistic content across social media and mainstream online platforms has serious consequences. It normalises abusive language, harmful behaviours and even physical violence.

The normalisation of non-fatal strangulation, linked to depictions of choking in mainstream pornography, contributes to the culture of abuse that we must challenge. Banning the depiction of strangulation in pornography is a necessary step, but we cannot stop there. Broader action is required to confront the commercial structures and cultural norms that fuel online misogyny.

I wish to close by speaking about the case of Demi Hannaway, whose family I have been supporting. A fresh investigation is now under way, and I will not comment on its progress, but I want to acknowledge the recent reporting in the Sunday Post on misogyny and sexism in Police Scotland and the very real concerns that Demi’s family have about whether those attitudes influenced the initial investigation. Demi endured domestic abuse, and, despite police call-outs, charges were pursued only due to the persistence and courage of her family, under the most awful circumstances.

Demi’s family were among those who gathered outside the Parliament recently at the vigil for women whose lives have been taken by male violence. We owe it to them, and to every woman and girl experiencing abuse, to redouble our efforts to end this violence in all its forms, including online. The Parliament must unite in its commitment and act decisively. Only then can we hope to build the safer and more equal society that women and girls deserve.

16:15  

Digital technology has created new mediums for abuse, but let us be clear that technology is a tool, not the abuser itself. Technology simply creates new frontiers for a very old problem: male violence against women and girls. It amplifies harm, facilitates exploitation and hides abuse in plain sight, but the perpetrator remains the same. However, we can, and I believe that we now must, join the dots between how the state protects women and girls, and societal attitudes to committing crimes against them.

The numbers are stark. In 2024-25, Scotland recorded just under 15,000 sexual crimes; that is the second-highest annual total since 1971. Rape and attempted rape have risen by more than 60 per cent over the past decade. In our latest crime figures, crimes associated with prostitution are up by 33 per cent, reflecting rising exploitation and the persistent danger faced by women in the sex trade. These are not isolated spikes; they are predictable outcomes of a society that tolerates male sexual entitlement and the exploitation of women to meet it. To confront that, we must define the problem correctly: this is male violence against women and girls. It takes many forms, including rape, grooming gangs, sex trafficking and prostitution, all of which are fuelled by a single root cause: male demand.

New research from the USA confirms what we already know and what the Crown Office and Procurator Fiscal Service acknowledged: men who buy sex are statistically more likely to endorse hostile masculinity, sexual aggression and dehumanising attitudes towards women. They see prostituted women not as people but as products for sale, purchase, review and to meet their wants, no matter how dehumanising, degrading or violent. They are more likely to commit other forms of sexual violence, and their actions directly drive the criminal marketplace for coercion, sex trafficking and other multilayered exploitation.

The Supreme Court ruling delivered legal clarity on “woman”, “man” and “sex”, and now this Parliament must act on that clarity to tackle sex-based risk. Women and girls continue to be commercially sexually exploited; it is legally tolerated as long as it does not occur in public. A Scotland that tolerates commercial exploitation by where it happens—rather than that it happens—is a form of state-endorsed systemic violence, and that makes Scotland a pimp state.

Rising sexual crimes, grooming, trafficking and prostitution are all interconnected and all are driven by male demand. We have the evidence, the data and the legal framework to compel us, united by the common purpose to act in devolved and reserved areas and across local authorities and international bodies.

In this Parliament, I believe that we can take three immediate steps: first, fully implement the For Women Scotland Supreme Court judgment and ensure that all laws and policies recognise sex-based risk; secondly, through my unbuyable bill, criminalise the purchase of sex and provide robust support for those who are exploited; and thirdly, take domestic violence and trafficking laws seriously, backed by robust data capture and enforcement, in order to detect networked exploitation and protect potential victims and support survivors.

The choice is clear. We know the problem and we know the perpetrators, and now we must act to end male violence against women and girls anywhere that it takes place, whether it is online or offline. Our society cannot continue to tolerate the fact that vulnerable women’s and girls’ bodies are bought, sold or abused. This Parliament has the power and the responsibility to stop it, and my unbuyable bill is a critical first step in that. This Parliament cannot say that it is serious about combating violence against women and girls if it does not take this opportunity.

I have been here for nearly 10 years and, like some of the other speakers, I have watched this debate take place year after year. The statistics show that, rather than things getting better for women and girls, they actually getting worse. We must use what we have and do what we can to combat that.

The majority of those who are in prostitution are not there by choice. They are girls who have been in our care system; they have been sexually abused as children; they have been groomed; they have been coerced; or they have been trafficked into this country. Those girls deserve more, so I believe that this Parliament should act to protect them.

As Madame Pelicot bravely said, the “shame must change sides”.

Paul McLennan is the final speaker in the open debate.

16:21  

I am glad to speak in this debate. Normally, these debates are consensual, and I am a bit concerned about how this one has been politicised by Tory speakers—I really am.

There is absolutely no doubt that toxic masculinity is on the increase. We all see it and we all know that it is damaging our communities, schools, workplaces and everyday life.

More than four years ago, during the 16 days of activism, we all stood here in a new session of Parliament and pledged to do more. In the time that we have left in this session, we all need to do so. This time next year, Parliament will again debate this subject and it must also pledge to do more.

This year, the focus is on online safety, and I will touch on that later. A few speakers have talked about the number of incidents of domestic abuse in 2023-24, which was 63,867. That is a scary figure. A clear majority of victims are female, and the vast majority of perpetrators are male.

Since 2018-19, Police Scotland has recorded 60,000 incidents of domestic abuse every year. That is 1,150 per week, 164 a day and seven every hour. In the time that we have been speaking in this debate, 20 women will have suffered domestic abuse. That is not acceptable.

We all know that domestic abuse is largely a hidden crime that goes unreported to the police. Scottish Women’s Aid believes the figures to be much higher, as not all incidents are reported to the police, which the report acknowledges.

Will the member take a point of order?

Yes, if it is brief.

Thank you for taking my point of order.

Ms White, is this an intervention or a point of order?

I am sorry—it is an intervention.

Is it not an Opposition’s right and duty to hold the Government to account and point out failures? To say what the MSP has just said about politicising the debate is actually aggressive in itself.

I can give you the time back, Mr McLennan.

I do not agree with that. There is a political element in every debate that we have, but these debates, over the four years that I have been here, are normally consensual, and this one has been too politicised for me.

I will move back to the key points that I want to mention. In 2023-24, almost half of domestic abuse incidents that were recorded by Police Scotland were between current partners. Let us not forget that. Almost half of incidents were between ex-partners.

Some of the nuanced details are also really important. Females aged between 31 and 35 had the highest rate per 10,000 population for being victims, and males aged 31 to 35 had the highest rate for being suspected perpetrators, so there are lessons to be learned from that. Some 65 per cent of incidents involved people who had previously been recorded, so there is repeat abuse going on. We touched on issues of housing and key agencies in that regard. Nine out of 10 incidents occur in a home. In Scotland, 47 per cent of female homicide victims were killed by a partner or ex-partner—that was talked about earlier.

Like other members, I got a briefing from Engender. Among the key figures that it talked about included there being 2,897 crimes of rape and attempted rape, which is an increase of 15 per cent from 2023-24. The number of sexual crimes that have been recorded by the police is at the second-highest level since 1971. Between 2017 and 2021, Police Scotland recorded 701 honour-based abuse-related concerns, which is an average of 140 per annum.

As men, we come into the Parliament—I have heard men talking about this in debates before—and we just take living our lives for granted. Nearly three quarters of women in the UK have experienced some form of harassment in a public space. That is my daughter, my wife, my niece—that is scary. It is incredible. As men, we take it for granted, but we cannot allow it to happen—we just cannot.

More than one in six women in Scotland have experienced online violence, while more than a third have witnessed it. Research by Zero Tolerance shows that misogynistic extremism is spreading among young people online—we have heard various examples of that in the debate.

Let us get down to what this issue is all about, which is the gender inequality that we all take for granted. Women still have less access to power. In 2023, women held only a third of positions of power in Scotland—across the public sector, political institutions and the media—despite accounting for 51 per cent of the population. That is wrong. When it comes to money and resources, women still experience higher rates of poverty, rely more on social security and are less likely to own their home. That is wrong. A third of secondary school boys believe that girls wearing revealing clothing are “asking for trouble”, while one in six do not view girls as their equals. That is wrong. Gender inequality is the real cause of this issue.

In its briefing, Engender made a point about the collection of

“sex-disaggregated data on violence against women”,

which is important. It also spoke about commissioning

“a large-scale survey of women across Scotland on violence against women and girls”

and considering asking relevant questions in the Scottish health survey and the Scottish household survey. I would be glad if the minister would pick up on that particular point when summing up.

Violence against women continues to occur at endemic levels in Scotland. That is preventable. We must address the root cause, which is gender inequality, and integrate primary prevention into all areas of public policy.

I know how passionate the minister and cabinet secretary are about this issue and the Government’s equally safe strategy. That strategy is backed by £20 million of funding and was developed in collaboration with the Convention of Scottish Local Authorities. The delivering equally safe fund is providing money each year to support one-to-one projects. When I was a minister, I remember speaking to the Kaukab Stewart about that, and I was aware of her passion about this issue.

As part of the housing emergency action plan, the Scottish Government is investing £1 million in the national fund to leave. The discussions that I had with Scottish Women’s Aid at the time were incredibly important.

We all have a role to play in this issue, and men especially. We all need to do more.

16:28  

Like other members who have spoken this afternoon, I recognise the phenomenal endeavours of all the organisations and individuals who work every day to prevent violence against women and girls, support survivors, raise awareness, embed trauma-informed responses to those who seek assistance, and do so much more. I am sincerely grateful to all of them. I also remember Christina McKelvie, who fought fiercely for gender equality in the Parliament and beyond.

I will speak candidly: this Parliament must reckon with its own complicity in the climate that allows violence against women and girls to continue. That is not because we all intend to cause harm, but because silence, half measures, and political games have consequences.

We know that the root cause of violence is gender inequality, not bad decisions by individual men, misunderstandings or culture clashes. Gender inequality—shaped by patriarchy, reinforced by toxic masculinity and exploited by extremists—drives violence in every part of our society.

We do not need to look far for powerful testimonies, some of which I will share.

“Every time politicians argue about ‘women’s safety’ while cutting the services that actually keep us alive, I feel like we’re being used as props.”

“When MSPs share posts about me voting for trans rights, the threats start again. It feels coordinated.”

“As a trans woman, I’m told every day that people like me are the danger. But I’m the one who can’t walk home safely. I’m the one who gets spat at. I’m the one who gets followed.”

“What I needed was support. What I got was a waiting list.”

“Men online know nothing will happen to them. They’ve learned the world will protect them, not me.”

Those testimonies should terrify us, because they show that misogyny is not only growing but being legitimised.

The far right has weaponised women’s safety with chilling effectiveness. They blame migrants for violence, while statistics show the opposite. They claim to defend children, while spreading conspiracy theories that isolate and endanger them. They platform men who promote coercive control as traditional masculinity.

Worst of all, the narratives of the far right seep into mainstream discourse. When this Parliament fails to challenge those lies—when we allow myths to spread about women’s equality having gone too far, fearmongering about trans people or the demonisation of sex workers—we embolden those who would roll back decades of feminist progress. We must stop that slide.

Women do not need protection; we need liberation. What does liberation look like, and what can the men in this place do to support that? Liberation for women in Scotland would mean a society in which every woman and every gender-diverse person can move through the world without fear. It would mean a society in which our homes, our streets, our workplaces, our online spaces and our political institutions are not shaped by the threat of male violence. It would mean economic independence: secure incomes, accessible housing, universal services and social security that empowers rather than traps. It would mean that care work is valued; migrant women are protected; disabled women are centred; trans women are safe; and sex workers’ rights and safety are respected.

Liberation looks like power shared, with Parliaments, councils, boardrooms and newsrooms reflecting the people they serve. Crucially, liberation requires men to do the work: to unlearn patriarchal entitlement; to challenge misogyny in their friendships and workplaces; to refuse the comfort of silence; and to participate in building communities that are rooted in equality, care, accountability and justice. Women’s liberation is not an aspiration; it is a transformation—and men must take responsibility for their part in making it real.

When politicians post voting records or share such posts in ways that deliberately single out women MSPs, they are not informing the public, as some on the opposite benches might think. They are feeding a misogynistic ecosystem that already places women under constant threat. When colleagues indulge in dog-whistle rhetoric that casts trans women as dangers or migrants as threats to “our” women and children, they are participating in the very structures that produce violence. We must decide who we stand with: survivors, or those who profit from their suffering.

We also need a radical shift in policy making. We are falling short of our Istanbul convention obligations. We lack comprehensive, sex-disaggregated data. Primary prevention work is siloed and underfunded. Local practitioners want to do more but are constrained by structural barriers. UK policies, including universal credit and the no recourse to public funds policy, force women into dependency, poverty and homelessness, all of which are fertile ground for abuse.

I ask the Scottish Government to commit today to launching a national campaign on the root causes of violence against women and girls, with a focus on challenging patriarchy and harmful gender norms; establishing a women’s equality fund to support women with no recourse to public funds and those in other marginalised groups; and undertaking a radical refresh of the equally safe strategy, with specific actions to address online violence.

Survivors have told us what they need. One said:

“I don’t want your sympathy. I want you to stop the next man from doing what he did to me.”

Another said:

“I don’t want to be brave anymore. I want the world to stop making me have to be.”

If we mean any of the fine words that have been spoken today, we must honour survivors with action—fierce, unapologetically feminist action. We must take action that dismantles, rather than politely nudges, the systems that harm women and gender-diverse people, and action that liberates.

Ending violence is not about managing risk; it is about transforming society. It is liberation.

16:34  

I am pleased to have the opportunity to close this debate for Labour. I thank the Government for bringing the motion to the chamber—it is very welcome at this time—and I thank members for speaking on such an important issue.

Although the theme of this year’s 16 days of activism asks us to unite to end digital violence against all women and girls, recent statistics remind us that violence against women and girls remains far too common right across society—many members mentioned that this evening. Whether through domestic violence, sexual harassment or rampant misogyny, women continue to be the target of far too many men’s terrible behaviour and aggression.

As we have heard in the debate, that is in many ways magnified in the digital world. The cabinet secretary pointed out that boys’ viewing of warped behaviour online can have an effect on them for life. Katy Clark as well as others mentioned that the digital world is being taken over by the far right, which is pushing messages to our young men. We have a responsibility to do all that we can to combat that.

I have to clearly say that digital abuse, including trolling, stalking and other forms of technologically facilitated violence against women and girls, really worries me. If I am honest, I do not think that we fully understand all the aspects of it.

The debate has raised challenges that we face. We have heard that digital violence changes so rapidly that it always seems to be one step ahead of legislators. However, if we cannot understand how serious that issue is today and address the complexities of regulation of our digital world and, at the same time, address the root cause of violence against women, we need to think about what we are doing in this place.

We have heard about how difficult it is to legislate in this area and about the importance of working across all spheres of government, and with companies, communities and individuals. The message of today’s debate is that we must do so. We know that the work is challenging, but we must commit to join together—to unite, as the motion says—because this opportunity to change the trajectory is too important to miss.

I am pleased to hear that the Scottish Government is working with the UK Government on the Online Safety Act 2023, and I hope that it will continue to do that. If the Governments in Scotland, the UK and Europe work together, it will be a big step forward, because that is the only way that we will be able to tackle the issue.

A big step towards changing the trajectory will be exposing the parts of our society that are apologists for the normalisation of that violence, many of which are key elements of the establishment. Many people in the digital world seem to think that gender-based violence is normal, but we know that it is not inherent. The truth is that it is learned and nurtured through stereotypes, misogyny, bias and ingrained inequalities.

I thank Stuart McMillan for his contribution, in which he talked about his daughters and about the fact that we also need to talk to our sons, our brothers, our husbands and other men. Paul McLennan has spoken on that issue before, and I know that he is very passionate about it. Rhoda Grant and Ash Regan mentioned work that has been done on online pimping. Pimping websites, which are easy to find, exploit vulnerable women, and legislation has just not kept up with the sexual exploitation of women. The wording in those members’ contributions told us that women are “trafficked” and are seen as “products”. We need to ask the Government to bring Parliament together to discuss what we can do about that.

I also want to raise the issue of porn and its normalisation in the lives of young men. Of course, porn is accessed both offline and online, but research and work with young men shows that extreme forms of porn tend to be accessed in the digital world. During my five years in Parliament, I have heard from women who research that area. The issue is often not tackled, perhaps because it is uncomfortable to do so and there is the feeling that we cannot change it, but we must endeavour to do just that. Porn is not acceptable and it is not normal, and we should be saying that to young men. They need to be educated, and online porn has to be tackled. I have heard from young women who say that it can be used to degrade them and make them feel violated. As Michelle Thomson clearly pinpointed, exposure to such things at an early age distorts some of our sexual relationships throughout our lives.

Members mentioned the manipulation of porn and online content. It is true to say that women bear the brunt of online manipulation in the digital world, and society has a responsibility to challenge the industry and those behaviours. As parliamentarians, we must provide adequate resources to tackle that injustice.

I want to mention the equally safe model, which is of course welcome, but it is fair to ask the cabinet secretary how we might be able to develop it further and make it work. Many members mentioned that it is not currently working and that not all schools have picked up on it. Some cross-parliamentary and cross-portfolio work on that would be really welcome.

There is much to be done, but I hope that, by coming together today in the Parliament, we can unite and change the trajectory of violence against women in Scotland and across the world.

16:41  

I want to use my summing-up speech to pick up on points by every speaker, because it has been an excellent debate. The first speaker who I will address is Paul McLennan, who was the final speaker in the open debate. I have to say that I think that the debate has been consensual. There has been slight disagreement and challenge, but we need that, because the issue still causes too many problems in Scotland, across the UK and around the world. If we just turn up for this debate year after year and say that the Government is doing everything correctly and that nothing has to change, the problem will not get better.

The reason why we need debate and challenge, both from Opposition members and from those on the Government benches—I will come on to that when I mention other speakers—is that too many women and girls are still being assaulted, abused and killed in our country.

I do not disagree with that. The debate is about what we can do to try to move forward, and we have talked about that. I appreciate some of the points that have been raised, but there has to be a balance in the debate as we take it forward. As I mentioned, I think that the points were politicised far too much for this kind of debate—that was the point that I was trying to make. I agreed with some of the points that were raised and I did not agree with others, but I think that, in some cases, the balance was wrong for this debate. That is the point that I was making. Of course, I do not disagree on the point about the Government being held to account.

I can give you the time back for that, Mr Ross.

I just disagree with Paul McLennan. I did not hear anything from Tess White, Sharon Dowey or Pam Gosal that the Government has not heard before and that does not need to be said in a debate such as this one.

I will make a final point on the issue. This is now the fifth such debate of this session. When we came here in 2021, we all wanted the issue to be tackled and addressed and, while we have been here debating legislation, scrutinising the Government and asking questions, 39 women in Scotland have died due to violence by men. Thirty-nine lives—daughters, sisters, nieces and friends—have been lost. When 39 of our fellow Scots have died over that time, we cannot keep coming here year after year and saying that the Government is doing everything right. We must do more to prevent such deaths. Until we can come to this debate and say that not a single woman has died as a result of male violence, the challenge will not have been met. That is why it is important that we have this debate.

The cabinet secretary rightly focused on the digital sphere, given this year’s theme of “No excuse for online abuse”. I was also glad that she referenced the positive aspect of the digital community. As a representative of the Highlands and Islands, I know how important it is for some of our more remote and rural constituents that they have access to the same materials and support as people in more urban communities. The cabinet secretary pointed out how obvious it can sometimes be to pick up a leaflet rather than going online to get support, which could put people off. It is right that people have those opportunities.

Tess White mentioned the increase in the number of sexual assault cases. I did not want to interrupt Stuart McMillan, but he challenged that a little by saying that it is a good thing, because it means that people are comfortable with reporting. I accept that, but, when the figures go back down again, the Government tends to say that that shows that things are working because sexual crimes are reducing. We cannot have Government members saying, on one hand, that it is good when more sexual crimes are reported, because that shows that people are more confident about reporting things, and, on the other, that things are clearly working when the opposite happens and the figures go back down again. Sexual assault is an area of concern.

Katy Clark was quite right—

Will the member take an intervention?

I am sorry, but I have already taken one intervention.

You mentioned me.

I know, but I want to try to get through everyone.

I think that Katy Clark was the only person in today’s debate to mention mental health. We all look at the sometimes horrific physical abuse that women and girls suffer, but we must also consider the lingering mental illness and how it affects wellbeing. That stays with people for the rest of their lives, and it affects family members, too.

There were elements of both of Maggie Chapman’s speeches that I disagreed with, but she was most compelling when she read out some of the abuse that she has suffered on social media. I was struck not only by the impact that that must have on her as an individual, but by what it says to women and girls who aspire to be in this Parliament. I am worried about the culture on social media and what it does to put off female candidates across the political spectrum. That was also mentioned by Marie McNair.

Alex Cole-Hamilton said that we must speak as one, and I think that we will at decision time tonight. Regardless of whether the Scottish Conservatives’ amendment is agreed to, I think that we will speak as one voice when it comes to the motion. However, it is about more than words and coming to the chamber every year and speaking about these issues—we must see action as well.

Once again—I say this every time—Michelle Thomson gave an excellent speech. She said that men must be

“active allies and agents of change”,

and I think that every man in the chamber would agree with that. However, that is a message that we need to get across outside the chamber as well, and Michelle Thomson made that point very well.

Pam Gosal rightly promoted her Prevention of Domestic Abuse (Scotland) Bill and raised the appalling domestic abuse statistics that we have seen. I am certainly a very strong supporter of her bill, and I hope that others will support it, too.

Rhoda Grant spoke about the survivors who have come to Parliament to give their testimony on prostitution and how not enough MSPs have heard from them. I agree, and I include myself in that. However, we have strong advocates, such as Rhoda Grant and Ash Regan, who provide a voice for those survivors by facilitating their coming to Parliament and by articulating their views in the chamber. That Rhoda Grant did so today, as well as providing information about what is happening internationally in France, Sweden and Ireland and how those countries have tackled prostitution—I hope that we can do the same here—was very helpful.

I will mention Stuart McMillan again, although I do not have time to take an intervention. It was helpful that he mentioned his CPA experience. The Government speaks in its motion about the local and national impact, but the CPA looks at the international impact—I think that he said that it does so every year. The South Africa example that he gave was very worthy of the debate.

Sharon Dowey spoke about the lack of a grooming gang inquiry. I will not reiterate all the points that the Scottish Conservatives have made about that, but it is now beyond doubt that the Scottish Government will have to launch a grooming gang inquiry. I am grateful that the Labour Party is facilitating a debate on the issue tomorrow. We are supposed to get an update by December, but we need to see action as a matter of urgency.

Likewise, Sharon Dowey was right to comment on the fact that the Government is still housing male prisoners in the female prison estate. That must stop, and I do not understand why the Government is going to court to allow that to continue when the Supreme Court ruling was so clear.

Claire Baker raised a local constituency issue very well, and she also spoke about the fact that 38 per cent of murders of women are by intimate partners. That is a statistic that we all know, but it terrifies me and every other MSP and legislator that the lives of people at their most vulnerable are ended by those whom they should trust most. That issue must be addressed, and we need to look at it.

Ash Regan urged people to support her bill. As someone who took my bill to a similar stage and did not quite get the Government’s support, I know that this will be a nervous stage for her, but she made very strong points in support of her bill. She also mentioned the fact that 15,000 sexual crimes were recorded in Scotland in 2024-25, which is the second-highest figure since 1971. Again, we cannot ignore the figures. There is an issue, and the fact that so many crimes are being recorded shows that we cannot assume that the Government is doing all the right things in that area.

Carol Mochan summed up the debate very well and presented us all with a challenge. If we as MSPs do not fully understand all the aspects of the root causes of violence against women and girls, how can we come up with the solutions? That summed up what we had all heard during the debate, and it challenged us—certainly, those who will return to the Parliament in the next session—to come up with the solutions that are needed.

Otherwise, the crime statistics that Ash Regan mentioned will continue to go up and the statistics that I mentioned to Paul McLennan on the number of women and girls whose lives are lost due to male violence will continue to be a cause for concern. We will not be able to address the issue and bring forward solutions until we understand the root causes.

This has been an excellent debate, which has been largely consensual—even if we cannot agree that it has been consensual, I think that we can all get behind the motion. However, we need more than words; we need actions to prevent such violence so that, when we have these debates in the future, we can celebrate the fact that we have eradicated male violence against women and girls. Until that day, our job will not be done.

I call Kaukab Stewart to wind up the debate. Minister, I would be grateful if you could take us up to just before 5 o’clock, please.

16:50  

Today’s debate has been an important opportunity to discuss one of the most serious issues in society: violence against women in all its forms. I agree that the debate has been largely consensual. It has been significant in allowing us to reflect on the evolving nature of such abuse as a result of digital tools. From coercive control via devices to online stalking, cases of technology-facilitated sexual harassment and abuse are on the rise. It is important that we prevent and tackle the use of those new tools and approaches, so I echo the cabinet secretary’s call for tech platforms to act to address violence against women and girls.

Only together can we make progress. The theme of the campaign that we have been talking about is unite. That means that everyone, including Governments, local authorities, stakeholders and individuals—women, girls, men and boys—needs to unite, because only by coming together can we deliver a safe online environment that women and girls can use and enjoy positively, without fear of and threat from others.

I will offer some reflections of my own, and then I will try to pick up as many of the points that have been raised as possible, although there have been far too many for me to name individuals.

When reflecting on online harms, I cannot reiterate enough that collective action is required. That brings to mind discussions that took place in the Parliament a year ago. Back then, we focused on how to empower young people’s voices. I am also reminded that technology-facilitated violence against women and girls was one of the issues that was raised in the Scottish Youth Parliament debate a year ago. It is imperative that young people, to whom the use of technology is second nature, inform the actions that we need to take to make technology safer. It is vital that young people shape our approach, which is why we are co-creating with young people the public awareness campaign that the cabinet secretary mentioned.

I remain thoughtful of the representation of the Scottish Youth Parliament on the joint strategic board that helps with the delivery of our equally safe strategy, which is chaired jointly by the Scottish Government and COSLA. The voices of that Parliament remain essential to ensuring that our collective efforts reflect the needs and aspirations of young people.

It is equally vital that we understand that online abuse is connected to other forms of violence against women. The victim or survivor who experiences technology-facilitated coercive control, sexual harassment or stalking will also experience those things in the physical world. We move between digital and physical spaces seamlessly, and harm that is committed online is felt in the real world, so it is important that we do not invent some artificial divide between the two.

One of the themes today—it was raised during topical question time and in speeches during this debate—is FGM. The issue was also highlighted by Rebecca McCurdy in The Herald yesterday. Will the minister find out how many women in Scotland have been treated for FGM?

If that data is available, I will be happy to do that.

Violence against women in the digital and physical worlds is a cause and a consequence of a gender inequality that is driven by societal and structural barriers across different sectors, many of which have been mentioned today. We must therefore renew our efforts to tackle that root cause. In the light of that, I was delighted that the cabinet secretary was able to highlight the public awareness campaign that we are developing to address the issue. It is significant that the Government is seeking to address online abuse and is using its online platforms to promote its positive messages.

Another thing that requires an urgent public awareness campaign, particularly at this time of year, is the danger of drink spiking. Would the minister speak to that?

I will come back to spiking after I reflect on the contributions that have been made by colleagues in the chamber.

I can confirm to Katy Clark our support for the proposals from Rape Crisis Scotland and the Faculty of Advocates that will deliver free access to independent legal advice to complainers in cases of rape and attempted rape. When it is desired, a three-year pilot will provide access to an experienced court practitioner who will assist complainers in giving their evidence and better understanding their existing rights. That pilot will be delivered by the expert Emma Ritch law clinic at the University of Glasgow.

Maggie Chapman called for us all to be mindful of, and to reflect on, our own behaviours when we use social media platforms, because we are providing leadership in how we treat each other. We must and should do better.

Alex Cole-Hamilton asked for an update on tackling domestic abuse. The Victims, Witnesses, and Justice Reform (Scotland) Act 2025 will put victims and witnesses at the heart of a modern and fair society. We are engaging with justice bodies and stakeholders across the sector on the implementation of the act, and it will be phased in to deliver reform in a managed way that does not disrupt the operation of the system.

Siobhian Brown has written to all members today with an update on spiking, which I hope is helpful.

Michelle Thomson raised many points that were raised in the Children and Young People’s Commissioner Scotland report, which is referenced in the equally safe strategy. Work is on-going to engage men and boys, and, as was mentioned earlier, the Scottish Government is undertaking a co-created campaign to ensure that men and boys are seen more as being integral to the solution than as being just part of the problem.

The Scottish Government will support the Scottish Women’s Aid #ForThemAll vigil on 5 December, which is held annually in honour of women and children who have been killed by abusive men as well as women who have lost their lives to suicide that stemmed from their experiences of abuse. I know that my colleagues in the Cabinet and across the chamber will attend many events to highlight that important time and to hold those women and girls in our memory.

I share Marie McNair’s concerns about the new risks of tech-based violence, and I echo her calls for us to unite in tackling it.

Rhoda Grant mentioned Ash Regan’s Prostitution (Offences and Support) (Scotland) Bill. As we do for all members’ bills, we will give that bill full and careful consideration. Members will be aware that the Criminal Justice Committee’s scrutiny of the bill at stage 1 is under way, and the Minister for Victims and Community Safety gave evidence last month. The Scottish Government has confirmed that we strongly support the principle of legislating to criminalise those who purchase sex. That position aligns with our equally safe strategy, which states clearly that prostitution is a form of violence against women and girls. The Scottish Government currently retains a neutral stance on the bill ahead of the Parliament’s continued scrutiny of the proposals in it.

Stuart McMillan rightly talked about tackling misogyny and referenced the good work of the equally safe strategy. A public awareness campaign is currently being developed, and it will be launched in February 2026.

I knew that I would end up running out of time, but I will just take a couple of seconds to finish.

I welcome and share the ambition to eliminate violence against women and girls that I have heard in members’ speeches today. It is a tribute to the Parliament that we can all join together in solidarity as we continue to make progress. We must all work together, as the theme of Scotland’s 16 days campaign highlights. I therefore call on all those in the chamber to renew their commitment, not just during the 16 days but every single day.

That concludes the debate on uniting local and national efforts across sectors to end violence against women and girls.