Upper Clyde Shipbuilders
The final item of business is a members’ business debate on motion S4M-00279, in the name of Hugh Henry, on Upper Clyde Shipbuilders.
Motion debated,
That the Parliament acknowledges the 40th anniversary of the Upper Clyde Shipbuilders’ (UCS) work-in in 1971-72; notes that the UCS was formed in 1968 with the amalgamation of five major upper Clyde shipbuilders, Fairfields, Stephens, Connells, Yarrows and John Browns; recalls that the general election in June 1970 returned a Conservative government that cut back financial support for industry and allowed unemployment to rise above one million for the first time since 1945; notes that, after the government refused to save UCS from bankruptcy, Bob Fleming, Provost of Clydebank, protested that “the Government were trying to do to Clydebank what the Germans had failed to do in the Second World War”; pays tribute to the UCS shop stewards, led by Jimmy Reid, Jimmy Airlie and Sammy Barr assisted by Bob Dickie, Bob Cook, Sammy Gilmore, Willie McInnes and the entire work force at all levels, who instituted a work-in to take control of the yards and continue work on existing orders; considers that in doing so they asserted the right to work as a principle to be defended by workers across Britain; recognises the solidarity shown by 1,200 shop stewards who came from all over the United Kingdom to pledge support; acknowledges the role of the 80,000, including many from Renfrewshire, who marched on 18 August 1971 and the 200,000 who stopped work; honours the memory of the first Scottish Assembly on Unemployment of February 1972, convened to support the demands of the UCS workers and which called for the devolution of powers to defend jobs and employment; reaffirms the contemporary relevance of Jimmy Reid’s words in his 1972 rectorial address at the University of Glasgow, “A rat race is for rats. We’re not rats. We’re human beings. ... Profit is the sole criterion used by the establishment to evaluate economic activity. ... The power structures that have inevitably emerged from this approach threaten and undermine our hard-won democratic rights. ... Government by the people for the people becomes meaningless unless it includes major economic decision making by the people for the people.”, and commends the Glow intranet for making this speech available to all schools in Scotland.
17:15
It is a testament to the impact of the Upper Clyde Shipbuilders work-in that so many members have chosen to stay for the debate. The debate gives the Scottish Parliament an opportunity to put on record our appreciation of the significance of the work-in, which started 40 years ago.
UCS was created in 1968 by a Labour Government through the amalgamation of Fairfield’s, Stephen’s, Connell’s, Yarrow’s and John Brown’s. The wider circumstances then were similar to those that prevail now: a newly elected Tory Government decided that its economic problems could be resolved only by asking working people to tighten their belts and accept unemployment as a price worth paying. Unemployment was allowed to rise above 1 million for the first time since 1945, although that is a figure that we can only dream about today.
The Conservative Government decided that it would not save UCS from bankruptcy, despite its healthy order book and positive prospects for the future. The provost of Clydebank at the time, Bob Fleming, protested that the Government was trying to do to Clydebank what the Germans had failed to do in the second world war. Feelings were running high, not just in the yards, but across the Labour movement in Scotland. The Conservative Government had badly miscalculated.
The Clydeside shipyard workers were aware of their history and heritage. They knew what shipbuilding meant to the Clyde and, equally, they knew the social and economic consequences of the closure of the Clydeside yards. They were determined to fight to protect their jobs and living standards, but they knew that they were also fighting for the jobs of future generations. The young apprentices from the Clydeside yards who are in the public gallery today owe their jobs to the courage and determination of that generation, which saved Clydeside shipbuilding.
The workers in UCS were lucky to have a large number of intelligent and astute shop stewards. They were led by men such as Jimmy Reid, Jimmy Airlie and Sammy Barr, but they were not alone. The decision to adopt a work-in rather than a traditional strike caught the imagination of the Labour and trade union movement and the wider public. The clash of views was stark. John Davies, the Government minister who was responsible for shipbuilding, said:
“I don’t see a future for Upper Clyde Shipbuilders”.
He reflected the traditional view of the powerful and rich that, in an economic crisis, those who work for a living have to shoulder the responsibility. Many things have changed since 1971, but that attitude prevails today. In contrast, Jimmy Airlie articulated a view that still has resonance when he said:
“The right to work is our birthright”.
He also memorably said:
“We don’t only build ships, we build men.”
Jimmy Reid, with remarkable perception, in talking about the Government of the day said:
“we’re dealing with a bunch of political cavemen.”
Some things do not change.
So the battle for the right to work started. Most people remember Jimmy Reid’s pithy warning to the workers:
“There will be no hooliganism. There will be no vandalism. There will be no bevvying”.
More significantly, he set out the values of the workers, when he said:
“We are not strikers. We are responsible people and we will conduct ourselves with dignity and discipline.”
The work-in quickly gained trade union and community support. Church and business leaders spoke out for the workers. John Lennon and Yoko Ono weighed in with financial backing. On 18 August 1971, more than 80,000 people marched and more than 200,000 workers stopped work to support UCS. Poor Ted Heath had to miss his yacht race at Cowes to deal with the unwanted nuisance on Clydeside.
Let us not forget the wider politics. In February 1972, a Scottish assembly on unemployment was held to support the UCS. That assembly called for the devolution of powers to defend jobs and employment, and it could be argued that it started a process that led to the creation of the Scottish Parliament. We should acknowledge the contribution of the trade unionists who were involved. The Conservative Government faced well-organised and disciplined resistance, realised the huge public support for the shipbuilders, and finally gave in. All the yards were saved and jobs were protected.
We should acknowledge several things about that magnificent action. It saved shipbuilding on the Clyde, gave our young apprentices the opportunity to have a decent start in life, and set standards and values that are as relevant now as they were 40 years ago. The workers demanded the right to work. Millions in this country—particularly our young people—are currently being denied that right. The workers showed how organisation, determination, vision and political acumen can lead to success, and that they were not scared of the wealthy and powerful; rather, they proved that they were their equals. We should therefore acknowledge their victory and express our gratitude for the legacy that they left us.
However, it is not enough simply to pay an academic or emotional tribute. The UCS struggle has resonance today. Workers are losing their jobs and facing cuts in living standards and savage cuts to their pension entitlements. The workers then showed that political leadership is vital, that courage is a necessity, and that principles and solidarity are fundamental.
What happened is an object lesson for today’s trade union leaders, shop stewards and politicians. We owe it to those workers to show the same resolve to provide a future for working people, particularly our young. We need to preserve the dignity that employment brings. Our current generation of trade unionists and politicians needs to decide whose side they are on. Will they stand with those who are being asked to make the sacrifice or with the powerful and wealthy, who are demanding sacrifice?
A new Tory Government is laying down new challenges, and the best tribute that we can pay the workers who participated in the magnificent work-in is to show the same imagination, determination and vision, and say that working people deserve to be treated with respect.
A huge number of members wish to speak, so I would appreciate members keeping their remarks as brief as possible. If they do that, I hope to be able to fit in every member who wishes to speak.
17:23
I warmly welcome this debate, and congratulate Hugh Henry on bringing it to the chamber.
An event as iconic as the UCS work-in, which helped to shape the generation then and future generations, is worthy of commemoration in this chamber as well as in any other chamber in these islands. I was not born at the time of the UCS work-in—I was born in 1972—but I have seen the pictures many times on television, including the recording of Jimmy Reid’s famous “no bevvying” speech. I will come back to him shortly.
I grew up in Port Glasgow, and my father and other family members worked in the yards. I have always had an affinity with the yards and admired those who went to work in even the harshest conditions to build high-quality ships that sailed across the globe.
During the late 1970s and the early 1980s in particular, when there was uncertainty in the industry—especially from 1979, when the Tories won the United Kingdom election—and there were resultant effects on shipbuilding in my community and elsewhere throughout Scotland and the UK, there was a sense of déjà vu. There was a sense of a UK Tory Government setting out to damage hard-working working-class areas. The final nail in the coffin for shipbuilding in Inverclyde was hammered in by the Tories—make no mistake.
In those early years, looking at what was happening to my family—my father was unemployed for three years around that time—certainly got me interested in events outside my home. During those times, it was commonplace for the UCS work-in to be shown on the television and retold in the newspapers. Although I was young, seeing those pictures and linking them to what was happening at the time were extremely formative.
I turn to Jimmy Reid. I remember that when I was a boy growing up, I watched some programmes that Jimmy Reid either presented or narrated—I did not take to reading too many books about what was happening, because I was only 10 or so at the time. It was obvious that he was a man of great intellect and an orator of great skill, although he kept his feet firmly on the ground; until the day he died, he always put the people first as his main concern.
I got to know Jimmy Reid when he campaigned with me in the Westminster election in 2005 and in the Scottish Parliament election in 2007. I know that I was fortunate to have spent time with him, learning a bit more about the events of 40 years ago and about the events of 2007 in particular.
Jimmy Reid, Jimmy Airlie, Sammy Barr, Bob Dickie, Bob Cook, Sammy Gilmore, Willie McInnes and everyone else involved at the time deserve every plaudit that has been given to them over the past 40 years. I thank them for helping shape me and my political life and for the courage that they showed in standing up against a Tory Government that was hell-bent on destroying the shipbuilding industry in Scotland and across the whole of the UK.
Once again, I thank Hugh Henry for bringing this debate to the chamber.
17:26
Yesterday, many of our trade unions signalled their intent to ballot for industrial action against the current Tory Government’s assault on the livelihoods and pay of the working people of this country. Today’s newspaper headlines talk about industrial unrest and anarchy, and the editorials talk of destruction and chaos. We are told that any such action, in any circumstances, is always negative, but the men and women of the UCS know that that is untrue. They remember the events of 40 years ago with positive pride in their hearts and as a defining moment in their memories. It was a moment when they stood together for their dignity and for their families. Thousands of men and women over many years since have raised their families with dignity because of their actions.
Our unions are how we fight for dignity. They are how we stand together and how we tell the man or woman next to us that their life matters to us as much as our own. Yes—trade unions defend the right to strike, but they also fight for the right to work.
That we are joined here today by so many UCS workers, so many of the men and women who came after them in the yards and so many who were not yet born in 1971 tells us something profound. I say to them that the work-in is not a moment of your past—it is how you have lived your lives. You have given this country a story that tells us something about who we were and what we can all be today. Your victory in the past sustains our struggles today, and for that we thank you.
17:28
I join others in congratulating Hugh Henry on bringing this debate to Parliament. I will begin with a quote from Reid, who said:
“What was unique about the UCS was not just the work-in itself. It was the most extraordinary collaboration between the men, the management, the police and the public. It was passionate, but it was reasonable.”
That is not a quote from Jimmy Reid; it is from Eileen Reid, his daughter. She goes on to say that although it was unavoidable that the attention of the world was focused on her father, the work-in was run by a co-ordinating committee of between 30 and 40 men—a crucial fact about the UCS work-in that sometimes get lost in the media hype. Unskilled workers, skilled workers and staff came together to make sure that the work-in was a success. It was not about some of the difficulties and conflicts between many of the different unions that operated in the yards at that time, because they put those aside for the benefit of the yard and the people of Scotland.
Many names have been mentioned already, but I want to add to Stuart McMillan’s list. I will concentrate on a few guys from Govan who do not get the attention that they deserve. I am talking about people like Jimmy Cloughley, Davie Cooper and Sammy Gilmore—shop stewards from Govan division who were part of the UCS work-in. At this point, I must declare an interest—maybe I should have done so at the start of my speech—because the name that I want particularly to mention is that of my Uncle Davie, Davie Torrance, who is sitting in the gallery. David was a Technical, Administrative and Supervisory Staffs convener in Govan back in 1971, and I am as proud of him today as I was as a small boy back then. [Applause.]
The first communiqué that came out of the UCS work-in was:
“By the authority of the shop stewards’ committee and the coordinating committee of the trade union movement of the Upper Clyde Shipyards, the workers hereby take over this yard.”
I think that that is a historic statement. Rather ominously, it went on to say:
“You will now take orders from the shop stewards only.”
Knowing my Uncle Davie, I can understand why it says that.
The timetable, some of which Hugh Henry mentioned, is worth repeating. In 1964, unemployment was rising and a Labour Government was elected in the UK. In 1965, public ownership of Fairfield Shipbuilding and Engineering Company was rejected by Harold Wilson. In 1966, yards across the UK began to shut. In 1967, the Geddes report came out. In 1968, as Hugh Henry said, UCS was created when the likes of Stephen’s, Fairfield’s, Connell’s, Brown’s and Yarrow’s came together.
A crucial point in the process came in January 1970, when Sir Edward Heath held a brainstorming session of his shadow cabinet at the Selsdon Park hotel. That meeting is important because it marked the first appearance of monetarism in the UK. Monetarism was broken by UCS in 1971-72 but, unfortunately, it reappeared later, in Margaret Thatcher’s time.
I know that time is short. There is so much that I would like to have said, but one thing that I will say is about the “lame duck” label that was attached to the yards. The yards were successful. Although there were difficulties, they were growing in strength. They had a strong order book that was worth £90 million and they were negotiating for another £100 million-worth of orders. In each year from 1968 to 1972, they built more and more ships, so do not let anyone tell you that the industry was a lame duck.
The UCS demo was the first demo that I went on. It helped to shape my views of who we are and what we can achieve if we work together for the benefit of Scotland. UCS stands for Upper Clyde Shipbuilders, but for me, as for many people, it stands for “unity creates strength”, and that is a lesson for us all.
17:32
I have registered interests that might be relevant to the debate, which I congratulate Hugh Henry on securing.
At the start of the UCS work-in, my friend and comrade, the late Jimmy Reid, said:
“We’re taking over the yards because we refuse to accept that faceless men, or any group of men in Whitehall or anywhere else, can take decisions that devastate our livelihoods with impunity. They’re not on ... The Shop Stewards on behalf of the workers are in control of this yard. Nobody and nothing will come in and nothing will go out without our permission.”
Jimmy and the others on the shop stewards committee knew that it was important to ensure maximum unity for the work-in to succeed, and they used the slogan,
“Not a yard shuts, not a man down the road”,
which involved everyone directly in the dispute.
They also knew that they had to win support from outside and, as Hugh Henry mentioned, they famously received a cheque for £5,000 from John Lennon. Jimmy Reid stayed with my family at our home on several occasions and he told great stories. One was about the reaction to that donation of a rather deaf comrade who, on hearing about it, said:
“It cannae be Lenin—he’s deid.”
The UCS workers were clear that the work-in was not an occupation. They ensured that it was about the right to work rather than about saving individual jobs. Jimmy Airlie said:
“we will not occupy the yards ... we are not a foreign power ... We will work-in”.
The UCS work-in is ingrained in our consciousness, with the workers serving as a symbol of solidarity and comradeship to people who are involved in industrial disputes. At the time, Jimmy Reid was a member of the Communist Party of Great Britain, but Jimmy’s various party-political affiliations over the years were incidental to his fundamental belief in socialism. In his book, “Power Without Principles”, he said:
“Let the parties rise above party, politicians above party politics. Let Scots unite across the divides, and governments, and even this lot, will surely pay heed.”
Just after devolution, Jimmy launched the Scottish Left Review as a focus for left-wing thinking in Scotland and he asked me to join the board. More than a decade later, the board felt that, although the magazine was a success, we now needed a strong think tank and advocacy group to generate and promote new thinking. Last month, on the first anniversary of Jimmy’s death, we launched the Jimmy Reid Foundation in conjunction with the Reid family.
It is important that we remember the courage of people such as Jimmy Reid and others who were involved in the UCS so that they can continue to influence the thinking of future generations. We can draw parallels with the situations that thousands of workers in the UK face, as they lose their jobs as a result of politically motivated and unnecessary cuts.
I will quote Stephen Low’s article for The Citizen, which is the journal of Scottish Labour’s campaign for socialism. Stephen also wrote and produced the BBC documentary “Fighting and Winning: The Work-in at UCS”. His article says:
“The struggles facing us today may lack the dramatic architecture of a Glasgow shipyard, and possibly, the stirring rhetoric of Reid and Airlie, but they are no less serious in scale, nor any less political in nature. Despite the forty years that have passed the campaign for UCS is one that we can still learn from.”
To fight the current cuts, we need to get behind responses such as the people’s charter and the Scottish Trades Union Congress’s better way campaign. We should motivate people to turn out to the march on 1 October in Glasgow and, afterwards, attend the gala concert to celebrate the 40th anniversary of the UCS work-in.
17:36
I congratulate my colleague Hugh Henry on securing this member’s debate on a subject that is not only of considerable historical importance, but of continuing contemporary relevance.
It gives me particular pleasure to support a motion that marks a remarkable episode in the industrial history of Scotland and the way in which that history was made through the collective action that working people took to defend their livelihoods and communities. It is my firm belief that the struggle for economic justice in which the trade unionists at Upper Clyde Shipbuilders engaged contains significant lessons for society four decades on.
The text of the first UCS co-ordinating committee leaflet contains these words:
“The position of the UCS workers is clear—WE ARE GOING TO FIGHT. But then it is not just our fight alone ... We appeal to everyone ... to our brothers and sisters in the trade union movement ... to business people and shopkeepers ... to clergy of all denominations ... for HELP. Helping us is helping yourself. No more redundancies—no more unemployed. DEMAND THE RIGHT TO WORK.”
Those words were a call to action, but they were also a recognition that such action, if it were to prove successful, needed to include not only the trade unionists who were directly involved, but all sections of society throughout Scotland and the UK.
This brief debate is not just a welcome opportunity to celebrate the refusal of those Clydeside workers who, 40 years ago, refused to walk away when Edward Heath’s Tory Government failed to intervene to prevent bankruptcy by ending its subsidy. Indeed, we could say that Heath knowingly provoked that bankruptcy, and it is sad to note that the Conservative benches are completely empty.
The debate is not only a chance to pay deserved tribute not just to remarkable working-class leaders such as Jimmy Airlie, Jimmy Reid, Sammy Barr, Bob Dickie, Sammy Gilmore and Davie Torrance, but to their ingenious notion of a work-in. It was the first time that such a tactic had ever been employed. The debate is not even only an opportunity to marvel at the way in which the UCS action engaged hundreds of thousands of workers and countless citizens throughout Scotland in support of a principle that remains as valid today as then: the right to work.
Remembering all that quite correctly also brings to mind the challenges that working people face today in a time of high unemployment and economic downturn. The solution does not lie in the present Government’s attempt to attack ordinary working people’s standard of life, just as it was not the answer to leave so-called lame-duck companies to go to the wall—the Heath Government’s panacea. The answer lies in combining together and helping one another to promote a more humane set of policies that recognise that, in the words of Jimmy Reid’s rectorial address,
“A rat race is for rats ... We’re human beings.”
Government must
“include major economic decision making by the people for the people.”
As my colleague Elaine Smith said, on 1 October there will be a major demonstration in Glasgow to promote the STUC’s better way campaign. The campaign calls for a secure and sustainable future for all—a future in which the right to work and to live a decent and fulfilling life is seen as the common-sense direction of travel. That campaign honours the memory of the UCS struggle and makes clear the continuing relevance of its imaginative striving for social and economic justice.
17:40
I add my voice in support of my good friend, Hugh Henry, and thank him for bringing the debate to the chamber.
It was with a great sense of honour and pride that I attended the funeral of the late Jimmy Reid on behalf of the SNP parliamentary group. I was ushered to my seat along with the provost of West Dunbartonshire, Denis Agnew, who is a Clydebank councillor. Just a row or so in front were some of the stalwarts of the shop stewards committee of the UCS work-in. Around the church were the great and good of Scottish public life, and all were there to honour a hero.
I had the privilege of talking with Jimmy Reid, particularly at SNP conferences. With hindsight, I would have benefited from having many more discussions with him.
Each and every one of those who spoke at Jimmy’s funeral did so with enormous talent and skill. Each interlinked their personal contributions and it seemed as if it was choreographed. Each speaker highlighted Jimmy’s central role, along with Jimmy Airlie, in the work-in that defined a generation.
A few weeks ago, I attended a launch of and a reading of excerpts from a book written by David Betteridge. It brings together verses, happenings and sentiments from those who participated directly in the action or who were personally affected by it, such as the families of the strikers who were doing without by necessity, all for the greater good and common weal.
The location for the book launch was very fitting as it was held in Clydebank College, which now stands on part of the site of the famous John Brown’s shipyard. Like most people in Clydebank, I am sure that Jimmy Reid would have preferred that the shipyard was still onsite and up and running, but if anything was to replace it, I am sure that Jimmy, with his thirst for learning, would have thought that a college was an adequate and fitting substitute.
Adjacent to the college lies the vast wasteland of the former John Brown’s shipyard, but it will not be there for long. One of the pleasing things that brings me hope for the future of the community and the town of Clydebank, where the pendulum of opportunity has swung in the wrong direction for too long, is that those who know best the value of that great and mighty site have made ambitious plans for its regeneration. The fact that there are a number of competing plans, which are indeed ambitious, can only be good for Clydebank’s future.
Jimmy Cloughley, a former shop steward and notable speaker at Jimmy Reid’s funeral, was good enough to show me a photograph of the shop stewards committee, shoulder to shoulder, at the head of the march of the giants of the UCS as it passed down Union Street. The giants were on the march to fight for their men and women, their families and a greater idea. They were taking on the powerful, for the right reasons.
The giants are still marching. Men such as Bob Dickie and Jimmy Cloughley, who were key to the UCS work-in, are still fighting the all-powerful. They are still looking after their men and women, families and communities, and taking on the multinational insurance companies that are doing everything they can to abdicate their duty and responsibility to those suffering from pleural plaques and other asbestos-related illnesses.
The giants are still marching with the resolve of Clyde-built steel, but they do so with a heart forged in gold.
17:44
I am grateful to be called to speak in this historic debate, and I congratulate my Labour colleague, Hugh Henry, on securing it and on his excellent speech.
As other members have already indicated, the work-in at Upper Clyde Shipbuilders was a seminal moment on Clydeside and for industrial relations around the world and the power of collective endeavour. It put the fight for fairness, dignity and the right to work in the spotlight for the whole world.
As seminal moments go, it was a long one and was prompted by the UCS board telling the unions on 11 June 1971 of the cash crisis. It really started in the days that followed, with the first stewards’ meeting in the hall of the Amalgamated Union of Engineering Workers and the larger meetings at Carlton Place and then at the Rosevale bingo. It took the men who were built in the yards of the Clyde to Downing Street to force a meeting with Edward Heath. It caused a general strike across the west of Scotland and brought an emergency session of the Scottish TUC to Partick burgh hall. It brought the TUC itself to Glasgow, elevated four wise men and secured the support of the then shadow secretary for trade and industry, Tony Benn.
All of those things have become the stuff of legend, but none of them is the real reason why the UCS work-in was important. This anniversary is not important because Jimmy Reid and Jimmy Airlie became so iconic. It is not important because John and Yoko sent a cheque and red roses. The first pronouncement of the co-ordinating committee was clear:
“We are going to fight ... Helping us is helping yourself ... Demand the right to work.”
This anniversary is important not just because they fought but because they fought and won. On 9 October 1972 a deal was secured to save the fourth yard at Clydebank:
“Not a yard will close - Not a man down the road.”
The importance of this anniversary is not just about remembering the struggle, the sacrifice and the strength of workers united and determined in their objectives. The stewards of UCS warned that the end of shipbuilding on the upper Clyde would be unthinkable because it would recreate the conditions of the 1930s. Well, that fear is again abroad in Scotland. Speaking years after their work-in about why they had done what they had done, one of the men said:
“If government cannot organise for decent work for all who can work, then what is the point of government at all?”
That is the challenge for this Parliament and, if I may be political for a second or two, for the Scottish Government, too.
The spirit of UCS and of the many workplace struggles that we have seen in our country since have informed our political debate in Scotland. More than that, they have influenced the very foundation of this Parliament. I believe that collectivism, solidarity and tenacity are our traits as a nation. If we wish to be remembered for what we did in this time, we must make them our hallmarks, too. The right to work is not just an economic necessity; it is, as UCS demonstrated, the right to dignity. The workers of UCS knew the social pain and consequences of mass unemployment in their communities and in their families.
It is right that we are marking this anniversary in this place tonight. It has been remembered this year across Scotland, with various events that colleagues have mentioned. I congratulate the unions involved in the marking of the anniversary. I commend to you, Presiding Officer, my own recent motion on the continued flourishing of shipbuilding on the Clyde, which marked the departure of HMS Dragon, the latest of our Clyde-built Daring-class destroyers and the large hull section known as “Lower Block 3”, which will become part of the first Queen Elizabeth-class carrier.
We are still building men and women on the Clyde, and thanks to the workers of UCS we are still building ships, too. The challenge for this Parliament and for the Government is clear: decent jobs, the right to work, dignity and hope.
17:48
In the elections in May this year we saw many changes and most of them were unpalatable to people on this side of the chamber, but there was at least one little change that gave me cheer on being re-elected: it was the extending of my new constituency into Govan to include for the first time the Govan shipyards—that is a matter of great pride to me.
I shall be brief, as I realise that there are still many people who want to contribute to the debate, but I emphasise that this is not just about celebrating a little bit of history and is not just some romantic nostalgia; we are marking the foresight, determination and solidarity of the workforce in the UCS work-in. We are recognising the way in which their inspirational and moral case was prosecuted, drawing support within my city of Glasgow, throughout Scotland and across the United Kingdom and beyond; support that was shaped by an understanding of the injustice and economic vandalism that was being pursued against skilled working people.
That campaign is a strong memory from my teenage years and, like the Lee Jeans campaign in the early 1980s, it provided a spark of light in dark times. Those campaigns threw up leaders, heroes and heroines, men and women who stepped up to the mark and drove to success, and we celebrate them. However, we also know that it was about not just those who became household names but the strength of workmates, their fellow trade unionists and their families and communities, who created the power to shift apparently unmoveable obstacles and stopped the Tories in their tracks.
There is an essential truth here: although individuals can make the case, can represent, can agitate and can give eloquent voice to the demands of the many, it is movements—the labour and trade union movement, the women’s movement and the co-operative movement, among others—that deliver change over time. We salute all of those who came together in a common endeavour, demanding the same things that the STUC, the unions and our communities are still demanding today: a strong economy, yes, but also a shared prosperity created by Government action and support.
In marking this anniversary, we reflect on the history and are proud of it. However, critically, we celebrate the legacy—the skilled jobs still in Govan now, and high-quality jobs in engineering and shipbuilding in the Govan of the future, supporting and sustaining that community and beyond. We remember the soaring speeches, but it is the legacy for which we owe the UCS workers our heartfelt thanks.
Again now we hear the Tories with their certainty—that if it isn’t hurting, it isn’t working. In these tough times, we should reflect on the fact that those with power will be judged not on the speeches that they make on the economy, but on the choices that they make, on the actions that they take, and on whether what they do makes a difference to the lives of our young people and future generations. We salute the workers of the UCS for what they did, for the pride with which they did it, and—centrally—for the legacy that they left behind.
17:51
I have two reasons to be grateful to Johann Lamont for her speech. I thought that I might have been the only one here old enough to have actually marched, but she says that she was a teenager when this was all going on. She also talked about the legacy, and I will touch on that later, too. The legacy is what we should understand, which is why I am so glad that Jimmy Reid’s speech is going to be circulated to schoolchildren. It is part of our history, as we were saying in the chamber last week—a part of our history that all of us can take pride in. The speech should be disseminated throughout the schools so that young Scots realise that this came from Scotland. It was a remarkable achievement.
As I say, I was a bit worried that I would be the only one old enough to have marched. I am certainly the only one who has sat and heard Lech Walesa express his thanks to the people of Scotland and to the men of the Clyde for having given inspiration to shipworkers in Gdansk—and we all know what an important part in the story that played. He knew about Jimmy Reid—much more so than many young Scots do today. So, once again, thanks for getting the book publicised.
My part in the UCS campaign was to speak on the draughtiest town-centre corners in central Scotland. The boilermakers’ man Joe Black and I were usually lumped together. I am not sure why, but we both shouted a lot; we certainly attracted attention and we collected a lot of money in buckets. We also made a lot of friends who understood, for the first time, that we were all in it together and that, if the Clyde yards went down, an awful lot went down with them. I was very grateful for that learning and growing experience.
Another experience I had as part of the campaign was with Billy Wolfe, who was then the chairman of the Scottish National Party. We had to go for a meeting with some of the stewards to discuss how the Scottish National Party could support UCS. We met the stewards but we ended up in the back room of a pub—closed—with Jimmy Reid himself. We sat and we talked, and I remember seeing the sun come through the windows and thinking that this was really quite lyrical. What the man was saying was pure gold. When we came away—and this tells us more about Billy Wolfe than it does about Jimmy Reid—Billy said to me:
“What a man. If only that man could be leading the national movement in Scotland.”
However, he is still leading. His legacy is leading. He gave the notion of self-respect for the workers, and of the mutual respect needed for there to be good industrial relations. Jimmy Reid’s soul and heart and spirit and intellect march on, and I am very proud to have marched with him.
Considering the number of members still wishing to speak in the debate, I am minded to accept a motion under rule 8.14.3 that the debate be extended by up to 30 minutes.
Motion moved,
That, under Rule 8.14.3, the debate be extended for up to 30 minutes.—[Hugh Henry.]
Motion agreed to.
17:55
In August 1977, only six years after the UCS work-in, I began my welding apprenticeship. I take great pride in recalling that, on my induction day, I signed my membership papers for the Amalgamated Society of Boilermakers, Shipwrights, Blacksmiths and Structural Workers—the old boilermakers union—before I had even formally signed my contract of employment.
As any tradesman will tell you, the value of an apprenticeship can be measured in more than the skills that someone obtains and the qualifications that they earn. Working every day with people who have spent their lives struggling to provide for their families is an education that no level of tuition fees could pay for. As a raw 15-year-old, there I was, working beside men who had been on the upper Clyde for many years before coming to our factory. Some of them had been involved in the work-in. Those men did not just teach me how to weld. They showed me the importance of commitment to my workmates, and I learned the importance of loyalty, collective responsibility and solidarity.
In my early 20s, I became convener in the factory for what was by then the GMB. I recall well the first time that I had to lead the joint shop stewards committee into our annual pay and conditions negotiations. They did not go well, and we had to turn to our full-time officials for assistance after failing to agree a deal.
The Amalgamated Engineering and Electrical Union official who attended the negotiations was none other than the legendary Jimmy Airlie. In one obituary I read about him recently, it stated:
“His strong streak of pragmatism ... refused to let him take workers out on strike if he thought they could not win.”
He said:
“Workers don’t pay me or any other trade-union official to conduct a revolution. They pay me to get the best deal possible, and you only get that by ducking and diving and compromising.”
I remember to this day the advice that Jimmy Airlie gave me just before we went into the boardroom, which chimes with that analysis of the man. “Listen son,” he said, “when you get into that room, you look them straight in the eye, you remember the men you are here to represent, and you tell them what you need and why you need it. You make sure they know you mean business. You bang the table and then you get up and you walk out. And if you’ve let the door slam shut behind you and left yourself no way out, I’ll boot your—” and then I recall some industrial language that brought the lecture to a close. We did okay in those negotiations, and my only direct experience of Jimmy Airlie is a good one.
I enjoyed learning from other veterans of the UCS in my own union, such as Sammy Barr, in subsequent years. The lessons that I learned from them at the Confederation of Shipbuilding and Engineering Unions, or Confed, conferences and the other boilermakers events and branch meetings remain invaluable.
Saving shipbuilding on the Clyde was the obvious outcome of the work-in, but the legacy of the example that they set of pragmatic but determined collective action stretches well beyond the banks of that great river and lives on in me and others who may not have been there but have learned just how important that event was in forging Scotland’s industrial and social history. I therefore congratulate Hugh Henry on giving us the opportunity to remember and honour the UCS workers and thank them for what they have given me and working people across Scotland.
17:58
I do not intend to speak for long today, because there are many people here who know a great deal more than I do about the events on the Clyde 40 years ago and, indeed, know many of the people involved personally. I have been here to listen and to be educated more than to contribute, but I would say that there are events in our history—the history of our country and of our great labour movement—that excite, inspire, educate and motivate observers, scholars and future generations of political activists. Whether they be George Square in 1919, Havana in 1959, the miners in the 1970s and 1980s or the UCS in the 1971, such events shape us—our people, communities and society. They leave an indelible mark on people, way beyond those directly involved. I know that my friends Alistair Mackie of the Scottish Daily News and Jimmy Swan, who led the workers at British Leyland, took inspiration from the UCS trade unions, and both of them became great labour movement leaders in their own right.
The labour movement is the greatest agent of social and economic change that there is. During the UCS period, socialists from across the political spectrum of the left came together, the political and industrial wings of the movement putting aside ideological positions to unite in a simple demand for the right to work. At this time, when our class is, once again, being subjected to an ideological assault by a Government that does not give a damn about working people, their families or their communities, we should learn the lessons from 40 years ago. Another great trade union leader, Michael McGahey, said that we need to be a movement, not a monument. The UCS showed that in action, and the time is right once again for that approach from the labour movement.
18:00
I congratulate Hugh Henry on securing the debate. It is a wonderful opportunity not only for us in the chamber to remember what happened in 1971 but for many of those who were involved in the trade union movement then and who have been involved since then to come and celebrate that with us this evening.
As a former shipyard worker and trade union official, I recognise that it is a great privilege for me to be here, but I am a bit nervous about some of the people who are sitting behind me in the public gallery. The semantics of ship refitting and shipbuilding are probably better known to them than to the members in the chamber. I have often been reminded by some of the people behind me that I worked in a refitting yard, not a shipbuilding yard—there is a significant difference. Duncan McPhee, the Unite convener, is here and will, no doubt, remind me of that when we are in the garden lobby later. Looking to the future, we now have a shipbuilding industry in Scotland that includes the former ship refitting yard at Rosyth along with the yards on the Clyde. I will say a little bit about that legacy for the future in a minute.
Quite rightly, everyone thinks about Jimmy Reid when we talk about the UCS but, like Michael McMahon, I would like to speak about someone from my union who also played a great role in that campaign—Jimmy Airlie. His legacy has cascaded right through the trade union movement ever since then. Many nights, I spoke to people who worked alongside him and knew him well, who would pass on the hints and tips of negotiation that he had fine-tuned over many years. With Jimmy, there was always a story—Michael McMahon has told one and I will tell another. Jimmy was a full-time executive member of the AEU when it was involved in protracted merger talks with the Electrical, Electronic, Telecommunication and Plumbing Union. One of the other executive members said, “I don’t really understand what this merger’s about. What is it about?” Jimmy said to him, “Look, we’ve spent all our money—now we’re going to spend all yours.” That was Jimmy’s style: in a difficult moment, he was able to use humour to get people out of that difficult moment and move the agenda on.
I do not know whether he is here this evening, but I would also like to mention Davie Cooper. He was involved in the dispute in 1971 and was a great influence on my life as a young shop steward when I was on the national industrial shipbuilding committee of the AEEU. He had a huge influence.
We have a legacy that has cascaded right through the movement and we have a great future in shipbuilding and ship repair in this country. There are some really skilled people sitting behind me who are going to take that forward over the next few years.
18:03
On such occasions, it is traditional to congratulate the member who has lodged the motion and to say that it is an important debate but, when we see the Parliament coming together like this, there is no doubt that this is a significant debate. It is right that we acknowledge not only the historic significance of the UCS work-in but the legacy that it continues to provide for Scotland.
Many members have spoken about the work-in and its impact. Even now, looking back at pictures and films of it, we are struck by the iconic images of the workers as they return to the yard and of the demonstration down Union Street. The strength, dignity, resolve and determination of those workers, who wanted to protect their right to work, come across powerfully when we look back on it.
I will also talk about the impact that those events had on wider Scotland. I was only eight years old at the time and I do not remember the work-in, but I remember that my parents used to talk about it when I was growing up in the 1970s. My parents did not come from Clydebank and were not associated with the shipyards, but that shows the impact that it had throughout the west of Scotland and Scottish communities in general.
I pay tribute to Sammy Gilmore, one of my constituents, who played a central role as a shop steward. He is not able to be here because of ill health, but I know how proud he is of the work that he did on the UCS work-in and of his work as a shop steward. From speaking to his wife, Margaret, I know how proud the wider family is of Sammy and how pleased they are that the Parliament is recognising this event. Sammy is a character and he calls a spade a spade. Whether disagreeing with a fellow worker or speaking to a Government minister or even a Prime Minister, Sammy puts people in their place. That was an asset to the shop stewards committee during the work-in and the negotiations with the Government.
It is also important to reflect on the legacy that Sammy Gilmore, Jimmy Reid and Jimmy Airlie and others have left for the trade union movement. Two years ago, the Vion factory in Cambuslang suffered job losses. The shop stewards from the committee, who I brought to the Parliament, carried on the legacy of the work-in. They resisted the job losses and the potential closure, turned the situation round and attracted new investment to Cambuslang. I congratulate Hugh Henry and I congratulate the shop stewards who were involved in 1971 and those who are here tonight. They have done us proud and continue to do us proud.
18:07
It is a real privilege to be here as the Minister for Energy, Enterprise and Tourism and to have the opportunity to wind up the debate. I am honoured to join colleagues in recognising the 40th anniversary of the UCS work-in.
I thank Hugh Henry for lodging the motion for debate and for his opening speech. It has been more than a debate; it has been a tribute to the individuals involved and a reminiscence. Most of the reminiscence was from people who were at school at the time, but we also heard from Margo MacDonald, who was part of those events and, if I may be so bold as to say, galvanized Scotland at that time and since.
On behalf of the Scottish Government Cabinet, I acknowledge the veterans and guests in the public gallery. The Deputy First Minister is in the chamber and the First Minister was here for much of the debate, until he had to attend to urgent business. I know that he, Nicola Sturgeon and others will join all our guests in the garden lobby directly after the debate, to offer their commendations—I had better hurry up, or you might not get that glass of something as we continue the evening’s celebrations.
Surely there will be no bevvying, minister. [Laughter.]
I hope that there is a time and a place.
On that point, my mother Winnie and Jimmy Reid were great friends throughout their campaigning lives, even if they were campaigning from different perspectives. My mother said that Jimmy was always a great gentleman to her. They enjoyed a dram or two from time to time, and great fun was had by all in their company.
It is important that significant moments in Scotland’s history are remembered, recounted and discussed by members of the Scottish Parliament and I am pleased that people who could not be here tonight will be able to listen to the fine speeches that we heard from all members who took part in the debate. Even more important—Margo MacDonald put her finger on this, as she so often does—Jimmy Reid’s speeches will be available to schoolchildren throughout the land. That is surely the best way of ensuring that his memory and memories of his colleagues—many of whom are here, but many of whom are sadly not with us—live on.
We know that every man and woman who has worked in the yards since 1971 owes their job to the activism that was so vividly and passionately described by all speakers. The BAE Systems Surface Ships apprentices who are in the public gallery are the newest recruits to one of the largest apprenticeship programmes in any sector. BAE has recruited more than 800 apprentices since 2003. All members, irrespective of our political differences, want to ensure that there continue to be opportunities for the young people who are here today and others that follow them to pursue apprenticeships.
The Scottish Parliament is here now and we do things differently. Many speakers talked about the importance of respecting the legacy of UCS and ensuring that in our actions and decisions we give reality and life to that legacy. I think that it was Gil Paterson who talked about the rights of workers to win compensation when they have contracted dreadful diseases related to asbestos. Members of all parties did work on that—when this Parliament is at its best it is a united Parliament. Bill Butler, with whom I became fairly friendly in the previous session of the Parliament, was at the forefront of that work. Stuart McMillan has done work in the same field, as have many MSPs from all parties. The legacy sees members across the Parliament committed to a policy of no compulsory redundancies, despite the difficult financial times. Above all, the legacy sees us committed to ensuring that we promote opportunity for all. I can still hear Jimmy Reid express that very sentiment.
I am delighted to echo members’ remarks about the exhibition in the Mitchell library and the gala concert on Saturday 1 October. I hope that this debate is part of the tribute. Gil Paterson talked about giants. Those giants’ footsteps echo in this chamber this evening.
I ask that members close the debate by applauding the people who have joined us in the gallery—our visitors, the veterans and the new apprentices. Thank you. [Applause.]
It has been a personal pleasure to be able to chair the debate.
Meeting closed at 18:14.