Engagements
I have engagements to take forward the Government’s programme for Scotland.
Does the First Minister still have full confidence in his Cabinet Secretary for Justice?
Yes.
There you go. No surprise there.
It is certainly true that it was very difficult to reconcile Labour’s manifesto commitment to look at the matter of corroboration with the position that the Labour Party adopted with regard to the Criminal Justice (Scotland) Bill. Removing the general law and practice of corroboration from Scotland will, we believe, secure access to justice for hundreds of people who are otherwise denied it by the present situation, in which cases cannot be brought to trial because they do not have the standard of corroboration that is unique within the Scottish criminal justice system.
I think that the First Minister, if he was serious about that, would be addressing the fact that the cabinet secretary’s response to people who raised concerns was to impugn the motives of those who were doing so. I ask the First Minister again to reflect on the cabinet secretary’s response to the Labour Party’s request for delay. The gap between that and what the First Minister is now saying could not be greater.
This Government is taking forward legislation because we absolutely believe that the issue is of vital importance. That has been our motivation for taking forward the legislation, because we have listened to the arguments and, indeed, the pleas of the organisations that I have listed.
It is precisely because I care so deeply about these issues that we were determined to build a consensus on the making of such a decision. That is why the cabinet secretary’s hostility to anyone who disagreed with him was inappropriate. I ask the First Minister to go back and look at what his cabinet secretary said six weeks ago and ask whether that was an appropriate way for him to conduct himself.
In terms of accepting the role of Lord Bonomy’s review group and the detailed examination of the issue that it will perform, and of helping people towards acceptance and ensuring that that consensus is built, the answer is yes, of course. Do I believe that the Labour Party will look upon this issue as being an issue in itself? Probably not. However, the consensus that Kenny MacAskill is building is across Scottish society. That consensus, as we see—[Interruption.]
Prime Minister (Meetings)
No plans in the near future.
In February, the Cabinet Secretary for Justice gave a speech that many people, including Scottish National Party members, considered to be the most ill judged and intemperate in the history of the Parliament. In it, he claimed that those with principled objections to the abolition of a key tenet of Scots law were part of nothing more than a unionist conspiracy. His performance was shameful to watch.
I cannot help but contrast what Ruth Davidson has just said with a statement that was issued by Annabel Goldie yesterday. Annabel Goldie, who is the spokesperson for the Conservative Party on the issue, welcomed the justice secretary’s statement, welcomed the fact that the requests of the Opposition parties would be met and said that it took no little courage to make such a statement. What has happened between that generous welcome for the decision yesterday and the remarks that have just been made by Ruth Davidson? If we were to canvass opinion, we would find that many of us in the Parliament rather liked the days when Annabel Goldie was sitting where Ruth Davidson is sitting and Ruth Davidson did not have the leadership of her party.
The difference is that I have never doubted the Scottish Government’s concern for victims of crime on this matter, just as the Government should never have doubted ours.
Now we get to the nub of the issue. The request to delay the legislation so that Lord Bonomy’s review group can report and look at the safeguards that are necessary to make the abolition of the general rule of corroboration more widely acceptable was not really that at all, as far as the Conservative Party is concerned; it was actually root-and-branch opposition to the abolition of the general rule of corroboration. Of course, the Conservatives can express opposition to the abolition of the general rule of corroboration, but they cannot do that and complain about cases not being brought to court, as Murdo Fraser did on television. That particular vile case was an example of a case that could not be brought to court because of the general rule of corroboration.
We have a constituency supplementary from Christine Grahame.
On 30 January, I raised concerns about a norovirus outbreak in the Borders general hospital in my constituency. I regret to inform the First Minister that, three months down the line, the outbreak remains, a ward is closed to admissions and other restrictions are in place. Does he share my concerns about what appears to be a great delay in resolving the situation?
I share very much the concerns of the local member about the prevalence of norovirus in the Borders general hospital. As she knows, the general incidence of norovirus across Scotland is in a significantly better position than it was last year, for example. Nonetheless, it is of key concern that this particular incidence has not shown that general improvement. The Cabinet Secretary for Health and Wellbeing will offer to meet Christine Grahame to progress any further action that can be taken in order to resolve the situation.
Food Poverty
The Trussell Trust reports that 71,000 people used food banks in the past financial year, which is a fivefold increase on the previous year, and that more than 17,000 children have received assistance from food banks. It is unacceptable that so many people in our rich country must rely on emergency food provision.
Last year, the United Kingdom Government wrote to Glasgow City Council. It made the incredible claim that the improved reduction in food waste was one of the drivers in the growth of food banks. Lord Freud, the Minister for Welfare Reform, has repeatedly stated that there is no link between his reforms and food bank use. Does the First Minister agree that such responses are symptomatic of a Westminster detached from reality and that it is outrageous that UK ministers have come up to Scotland today to lecture us on welfare when it is their welfare reforms that have caused the dramatic increase in the use of food banks in Scotland, which are used by tens of thousands of families with children?
Jamie Hepburn knows that, earlier this month, the Scottish Government announced an extra £1 million for an emergency food action plan to help combat food poverty, including £500,000 for emergency food aid. He also knows that we are investing at least £260 million over the period 2015-16 to try to limit the damage of the imposition of welfare cuts. We will as a Government continue to help the vulnerable wherever and whenever we can.
Gender Equality Gap
It is totally unacceptable that women face inequality in significant areas of their lives. This Government has an on-going commitment to tackling that gender inequality through the allocation of resources and has undertaken a range of activity since taking up office.
The First Minister will no doubt be aware that there has been much talk from anti-independence politicians this week about the supposed—obviously fantastic—benefits of having decisions on welfare and pensions made at Westminster. That is except, of course, for Iain Duncan Smith, who could not even front his own policy and come to Scotland today to make the announcement. What those politicians have all been silent on is how women—
Yes, but can we get a question?
They have been silent on how women have been particularly hard hit by Westminster’s welfare cuts and on how they are likely to be hit by cuts to come. Can the First Minister assure the Parliament that, with the powers of independence, the Scottish Government will use every means at its disposal to make Scotland a fairer, more equal society?
The child tax credit and working tax credit changes will affect 110,000 households in Scotland, 88 per cent of which will be couples with children. The bedroom tax has hit 72,000 households, 80 per cent of which have a person with a disability in them. This Government took the action that was required to mitigate the impact of the bedroom tax in Scotland. We are still waiting, following repeated requests, for Westminster’s acceptance that what we are doing is appropriate and within our powers. While we are devoting the resources of Scotland to protecting the people of Scotland from the bedroom tax, we cannot even get a letter back from the Westminster Government. That is untenable, not just for the Tory-Liberal coalition but for those in the Labour Party who argue not that welfare policy could not be implemented in an independent Scotland but that it should not be implemented in an independent Scotland. Unless and until the Labour Party disavows that attitude from Jackie Baillie, it will be stuck, and it will be guilty by association with what is happening at Westminster under the Tory-Liberal alliance.
Is it not interesting that we waited for a year for the Scottish National Party to take action on the bedroom tax? The SNP’s record on gender equality is not good. Is it not the case that the SNP has slashed places at colleges? Is it not the case that the SNP has slashed jobs in the public sector? That all has a disproportionate impact on women. Is it not the case that the SNP has failed to deliver gender balance on the boards of public bodies, has failed to meet its own 40 per cent target for the number of applications from women and has spent a grand total of around £3,000 on advertising to promote public appointments? I cannot help but contrast that with the more than £1 million that has been spent on promoting the white paper on independence. Is it not the case, First Minister—
We have a number of questions there, Ms Baillie.
Is it not the case that the SNP talks a good game, but has actually—
I call the First Minister.
I offer Jackie Baillie two statistics. [Applause.]
Order.
I think that that was a delayed reaction from the Labour benches.
Red Road Flats Site
First, I think that it is worth noting the constructive manner in which Patricia Ferguson, as the local member, has responded to the concerns surrounding the Red Road flats and the Commonwealth games opening ceremony, which primarily affected her constituents.
I thank the First Minister for his answer. Does he agree that suitable alternative accommodation should be found for the asylum seekers who are living there as quickly as possible, and that all agencies in the city and the Scottish Government should now work collaboratively with the local community to prioritise dynamic and innovative regeneration of the 22-acre Red Road site, following demolition of the towers, in a way that will benefit the communities of Balornock and Barmulloch?
Yes, I agree with that, and I agree, incidentally, with the first part of the question. I know that the local member knows that the transformational regeneration areas and the partnership that applies them have done excellent work across major areas in Glasgow. There has been investment from the Government alone of £30 million in the construction of new homes in Toryglen, Gallowgate, Maryhill and Laurieston. I am certain that the partnership between the council, Glasgow Housing Association and the Government that administers the work will come forward with good ideas for the Red Road site, and I know that the partnership will want to have the widest possible consultation locally in order to achieve acceptance of the regeneration proposals—including, of course, by the local MSP.
Scotland’s Labour Market Conditions
I am delighted that Kenny Gibson has asked that question, because it is very significant that the Opposition parties do not want to talk about the latest labour market data, which show that employment levels in Scotland are at their highest in history, with 2,575,000 people now employed. The employment level has increased by 68,000 over the year, driven by an increase of 46,000 in female employment. Scotland continues to have the highest employment rate, a lower unemployment rate and the lowest inactivity rate of any nation of these islands.
Success for George Osborne. [Laughter.]
I thank the First Minister for his reply. The recent Bank of Scotland report on jobs shows that Scotland’s labour market is continuing to recover and strengthen. Does he agree that, if Scotland can be relatively successful with the limited powers of devolution, we could achieve so much more with the full powers of independence? Can he advise Parliament what economic initiatives the Scottish Government will introduce following independence to cut unemployment in Scotland and to make it a more prosperous and more equal society?
I commend to Kenneth Gibson and all members of this Parliament not just the white paper, but the document on the economy that was published last November, which set out a range of initiatives to power forward the Scottish economy and employment market trends.
The First Minister said that the Scottish Government has limited economic powers. How much credit can he realistically take for record growth, record employment and low unemployment?
In the brief period before Mr Brown is replaced by Mr Johnstone as the Tory economy spokesman, I will give Mr Brown this explanation. The interesting thing about the figures is the contrast, the movement forward and the differential between the Scottish figures and those for the rest of the United Kingdom—[Laughter.]
Order.
I think that it is of interest to the people of Scotland that we have record employment figures. It is reasonable to make the comparison and to say that, if the UK Government had implemented some of the fantastic policies that the Scottish Government has pursued, such as the small business bonus scheme and Mr Swinney’s decision to protect capital investment despite the swingeing cuts of Alex Johnstone’s hero—[Laughter.]
Order.
If the UK Government had pursued just some of those policies, perhaps it would be in a different position. It is reasonable for the Scottish Government to take the position that, if we can achieve a record level with the Parliament’s limited powers, there will be even greater success in Scotland’s job markets when we have all the economic levers at our disposal.
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