Official Report 159KB pdf
Party Leaders
The next item of business is First Minister’s question time for party leaders. I welcome Michael Marra to his post as the new Scottish Labour leader.
Drug Deaths
My intention had already been to ask today about the shocking statistics that demand continued attention from Government and Parliament. However, yesterday, the deaths of 1,133 Scots as a result of drugs were reported to Parliament. Their loss, overwhelmingly for the grave sin of being poor, requires answers for grieving families and demands a change of course from the Government. The response yesterday from the Minister for Mental Wellbeing, Public Health, Sport, Alcohol and Drugs was a complacent disgrace. It does not feel like the Government is treating this as an emergency. Does the First Minister still agree that the worst drug deaths record in the world is a public health emergency?
I agree that we face a public health emergency on drug deaths. I express my deepest sympathies to everybody who has been affected by drug deaths in Scotland. Those deaths are unacceptable and intolerable, and the Government is focused on addressing the issues.
Mr Marra asks about the significance of the Government’s action and the strategy that we are pursuing. On 26 February this year, I was briefed about an expected rise in suspected drug deaths. I therefore asked for a review of the Government’s drug and alcohol interventions, which was considered at a summit on 19 June involving the Cabinet Secretary for Health and Care, myself, the minister with responsibility for drugs, and the Convention of Scottish Local Authorities. There, in front of a variety of individuals and representatives of organisations—including, crucially, families whose loved ones had lost their lives to drugs—we tested the scale and the measure of the Government’s actions and the approach that we are taking with our local authority and community partners. Those are the actions that the Government is taking, focused on ensuring that we address the severity of the drug deaths position that we face in Scotland.
Yesterday, the minister cited the scourge of nitazenes and synthetic opioids as the cause of a huge part of the surge. However, this is not a new issue. People buy these pills by the handful. In 2013, prescriptions for Valium were withdrawn under this Government, and I was leading the Leverhulme Research Centre for Forensic Science a decade ago when we saw the consequences of that. We clearly defined that polydrug use and synthetics were at the heart of the huge surge in deaths after 2014, but no minister has ever answered for that policy. Pandora’s box was opened, and drug deaths in Scotland skyrocketed to more than two and a half times the rate in England, which had the same drug laws. That is the First Minister’s record. It is indefensible. Does he agree?
Two elements fundamentally drive the drug deaths position in Scotland. One is the effect of intergenerational poverty and trauma. We can see in the data that there is a much greater likelihood of individuals experiencing drugs and of drug deaths resulting because of the prevalence of poverty—hence the Government’s policy agenda to eradicate child poverty in Scotland.
The second element is the upsurge in grossly harmful synthetics. That is a factor that we can see, and I was alerted to it in the briefings that took place earlier this year. It is one of the factors that is driving the significant increase in drug deaths that we are experiencing. There has been public commentary from experts in the field who believe that, without that upsurge in grossly harmful synthetics, there would have been a reduction in drug deaths this year. The upsurge is a factor that we are wrestling with in this community in Scotland, and the Government’s focus on actions to break up the criminality that spreads that practice in our country is at the heart of the Government’s response.
The First Minister would do well to remember that the original surge was 12 years ago. “Indefensible” is not only my word to describe the record; it is the word that, six years ago in the chamber, the then First Minister chose. If it was indefensible then, what on earth is it now? More than 7,000 people have lost their lives since the Scottish Government declared a public health emergency. We cannot go on like this.
Scots are 15 times more likely to die from drugs if they are poor than if they are rich. If this were a middle-class epidemic, we would have locked down, legislated, found the money, educated widely and reformed indiscriminately. Nothing near that scale has happened. We cannot go on like this.
This is one of the most serious issues that Scotland is facing. If the First Minister is prepared to change course and bring a new plan to Parliament, Scottish Labour will work with him on it. Will he do it?
The issues that Mr Marra has raised are of the utmost seriousness. I hope that the explanation that I have given about the engagement that I have had on the early data on the upsurge in drug deaths earlier this year assures him that the issue is central to my thinking about the response that is required.
The issue also delves deep into my political thinking. That is why, when I became First Minister, I committed that the central mission of my Government would be to eradicate child poverty, because we must interrupt the circumstances that are feeding and refeeding this crisis in our society.
I welcome Mr Marra’s willingness to engage with the Government on the issue. I will ensure that that engagement is taken forward and that dialogue takes place. Mr Marra and I had a telephone conversation on Saturday in which I made it clear that I do not command a majority in the Parliament, so I am willing to work with others to seek common ground to improve the lives of people in Scotland. There can be no more important issue than improving the lives of people who are affected by drugs.
In its strategy, the Government has done several things, including increasing rehabilitation services, strengthening support for community organisations and interventions to take forward harm reduction measures and, crucially, listening to the experience of families—that aspect was central to the summit that we had in June.
The Government’s strategy, supported and co-authored by our local authority partners, has been developed through extensive engagement across a whole variety of opinions. Mr Marra wishes to engage, and some of his party colleagues in COSLA will be part of that, too. If he is inviting me to have further detailed dialogue on the issue, I will do so, because I want to ensure that the Parliament uses its combined resources and intellect to improve the lives of people in Scotland. I will take up Mr Marra’s invitation.
Child Poverty
Under this Scottish National Party Government, one in five children grows up in poverty and, today, 10,715 children are living in temporary accommodation. That is John Swinney’s Scotland in 2026. Is the First Minister ashamed?
I am proud of Scotland, I love Scotland, and I am in office to do my best to improve the lives of people in Scotland. However, I have to deal with the country as I find it, and the country that I lead is in no way impervious to the effects of years and years of austerity, of which Mr Offord was one of the authors. What my Government has done is use its powers to address that situation. Child poverty is lower in this country than in the rest of the United Kingdom because of the decisions that my Government has taken, and we are proud of those actions.
I will take that as a no, then. Under this Scottish National Party Government, councils have turned away 21,800 applications from people looking for a home in the past year. Rough sleeping is up 20 per cent. Meanwhile, homelessness applications from asylum seekers are up 40 per cent—a huge two-and-a-half-times increase since 2021, when the local connection rule was last in place.
This is John Swinney’s Scotland in 2026. Is the First Minister ashamed?
Let me, once again, correct Malcolm Offord, on his point about local connection, because the local connection rules that he cites as being a problem, which have changed in recent years, would have no effect on the issue that he raises about asylum seekers. The provisions about housing allocations in Scotland were set out in the homelessness legislation more than 20 years ago and they are applied to make sure that we have a civilised, human rights-based approach to tackling homelessness in our country. My party supported that legislation when it was introduced by the Labour Party and the Liberals, and it is the right thing to do.
We are investing in housing infrastructure in Scotland in order to build more homes. We have built more affordable homes per head of population in Scotland than has been the case in any other part of the United Kingdom. We have redeployed funds to bring empty properties back into use, so that families can have good-quality accommodation. More than 2,000 properties have been brought into use because of the Government’s intervention to enable that to happen.
We intend to do more to ensure that families are properly supported with accommodation that meets their needs.
Once again, there is no remorse. We just heard from Mr Marra that Scotland has, once again, hit the world’s headlines for having the worst rate of drug deaths in Europe. As he mentioned, last year, 1,133 of our fellow citizens needlessly lost their lives to drugs. That is up 11 per cent in a single year, and it is a tragedy for each and every family.
John Swinney demonstrated his priorities this week by wasting three hours debating his vanity project of independence. Meanwhile, yesterday, the Parliament was given only 30 minutes in which to absorb the sheer horror of these shocking figures and John Swinney did not even show up. Let’s face it: his national mission on drugs has collapsed and the blame lies squarely with the SNP, but this Government cannot bring itself to question the system that it has built.
This is John Swinney’s Scotland in 2026—a homelessness crisis, endemic child poverty, plummeting education standards and the drug deaths capital of Europe. However, he does not care, because he is shameless Swinney. For the third and final time, is the First Minister ever ashamed?
I ask people around the country to make their own judgment about me. I serve in office to improve the lives of people in Scotland—that is what I get up every morning to try to do. I have to face the realities of the country that I lead.
On homelessness, we do have challenges, because we have a rising need in our society, and we are trying to allocate as many resources as we can to address that need.
In relation to education, the programme for international student assessment—PISA—statistics are difficult, but the exam results in August were very encouraging. The achievement of curriculum for excellence levels and information on literacy and numeracy are very encouraging with regard to the strength of Scottish education. Record numbers of young people are leaving school and going on to positive destinations as a consequence of their education, and that is very encouraging.
Mr Offord said that I cannot bring myself to question the approach that we are taking on drugs, but that is precisely what we did when I convened a drugs discussion on 19 June with Public Health Scotland, COSLA and various partners, to test whether we are doing the right things to tackle the drugs crisis in our society.
Mr Marra has suggested having a dialogue in order to advance on the issue. Mr Offord just comes here with a depressing weekly critique. I am prepared to take the action that is necessary to improve the lives of the people of Scotland. That is what this Government was elected to do, and that is exactly what this Government will do.
Middle East (Boycott)
Last week, the Parliament backed a Green motion declaring that
“a company’s involvement in illegal Israeli settlements in occupied Palestinian Territories constitutes grave professional misconduct and should … automatically disqualify that company”
and
“any parent company or subsidiary”
from public contracts or Scottish Government support.
Just four days later, the Associated Society of Locomotive Engineers and Firemen—ASLEF—union revealed that CAF, which has been named by the United Nations as a company that is profiting from the exploitation of Palestinians, has been shortlisted for a major contract building trains for ScotRail. Does the First Minister agree that CAF should be blocked from the contract, and will he stand with the rail workers who have refused to drive trains produced by a company that, as they say, profits from apartheid?
I am aware of the issue, and I understand that Scottish Rail Holdings Ltd, which oversees the procurement by ScotRail, is seeking further advice. I expect it to provide an update to ministers when that advice has been received.
I appreciate the First Minister’s answer. If that update could eventually be shared with members, that would be welcome. However, this is not an isolated case. Last week, the Cabinet Secretary for Economy, Tourism and Transport, Stephen Flynn, said that the Government was using
“every lever at its disposal to stand up against the inhumanity”—[Official Report, 16 September 2026; c 86.]
that is being inflicted on Gaza and the West Bank. Yet, in the days since then, The National has revealed that a firm whose parent company has also been listed by the UN holds a Scottish national health service contract worth tens of millions of pounds. If a company has profited from apartheid and genocide, it should not be profiting from public money in Scotland. Will the First Minister commit to ending that contract as soon as possible? Will his Government urgently review every public sector contract, including parent companies and subsidiaries, to ensure that Scottish public money is not going to companies that are complicit in human rights abuses?
In giving my answer, I have to make it clear that, at all times, the Government must have a legal basis for its actions. The Government is forbidden from acting outwith the law, so we must have a legally sustainable basis for our actions.
The comments that Stephen Flynn made to the Parliament in the debate last week were entirely correct, and I endorse them 100 per cent. Individual organisations within Government must satisfy themselves that the comments made by Mr Flynn, which are an explanation of the Government’s position and which I endorse, are being fully applied in all circumstances.
On the particular case that Gillian Mackay has raised, NHS procurement has asked for further advice. I expect Public Services Delivery Scotland’s national procurement directorate to satisfy itself of compliance with all requirements. Ministers will consider any further advice that is received.
I appreciate that the First Minister is trying to adhere to last week’s vote and to do those good things, but it is difficult to take that position seriously when ministers have named Barclays as a partner in their upcoming bond scheme. Research by the Palestine Solidarity Campaign says that Barclays holds more than £2 billion in shares in, and provides more than £6.1 billion in loans and underwriting to, nine companies whose weapons and technology are being used by the Israeli military against Palestinians. If a company is so directly linked to the financing of arms companies that supply the Israeli military, it surely should be covered by any boycott that is worthy of the name. Is Barclays really the kind of partner that the First Minister wants for his Scottish Government?
Gillian Mackay said it herself: the Government, under my leadership, is trying to do all that it can to address the issue. I am at one with the Green Party on the horror of what is happening in Gaza and the West Bank. The Government’s position could not be clearer on that. However, I have to have a legal basis for acting. That is the issue that the Government must always confront.
I understand the deep anxiety that is expressed by Gillian Mackay, but I have to ask the Parliament and the public to accept that the Government’s good intentions and policy direction must be substantiated and founded on a legal basis for action. That will always be the approach that we take in considering these issues and deciding on the steps that we can take to deliver Government policy.
Drug Deaths
What a great shame that the First Minister could not bring himself to back Barclays and the 5,000-plus jobs that it provides for the people of Scotland.
Yet again, Scotland has the worst drug death rate in Europe, with 1,133 lives tragically cut short and 1,133 bereaved families. The Scottish National Party’s multimillion-pound drug consumption unit opened in Glasgow at the start of last year. John Swinney says that there is significant evidence that it is saving lives, but the evidence shows that Glasgow drug deaths have actually gone up in that time.
Nearby residents must live with the discarded needles and the drug crime. Despite that, another unit is planned for Edinburgh. Why will John Swinney not listen to and respect the evidence, stop the drug consumption units and, instead, spend that money on rehab?
In relation to Russell Findlay’s first point, I welcome the Barclays investment in Scotland and have engaged with Barclays. That kind of antics indicates how trivial the Conservative Party’s approach to some of these questions is, when the Government is trying to navigate its way through challenging questions on human rights and on violence in our society.
In relation to drug-related harms, I will not repeat the points that I expressed in my substantive answers to Michael Marra, but Russell Findlay is plain wrong in relation to the Thistle. The staff in the Thistle have responded to 195 medical emergencies in support of individuals. I understand Russell Findlay’s concern about the drug death numbers in Glasgow, but they would have been worse if the Thistle had not intervened to support people in relation to their drug use.
In its first year, the Thistle made 612 referrals to wider support services, including housing, accommodation, alcohol, drug recovery and blood-borne virus services, helping people to access treatment, healthcare and recovery support. That is the absolute purpose of the Thistle—to provide person-centred care at the heart of tackling addiction. The Thistle is demonstrating important learning for us, and I am glad that we have been able to take it forward. I am grateful to the former Lord Advocate for the consideration that she gave to the issue to enable us to have another intervention to try to avoid a difficult and serious situation in relation to drug deaths becoming more acute than it would be without the Thistle.
Fact check number 1: the First Minister was shamed into backing Barclays. Fact check number 2: Glasgow drug deaths are up. The SNP’s failed approach traps addicts in a life of misery, sending thousands to an early grave by peddling the lie that inherently dangerous drugs can be taken safely.
Asked yesterday whether she was doing a good job, the SNP minister for drugs policy said that it was an impossible question to answer, but we know the answer—she is not. Maree Todd blocked our Right to Addiction Recovery (Scotland) Bill and now, pathetically, blames Westminster for the SNP’s fatal culpability. Does John Swinney accept that the SNP’s failed approach and its refusal to back our bill will cost even more lives?
The Minister for Mental Wellbeing, Public Health, Sport, Alcohol and Drugs is taking forward a difficult responsibility, and she is doing it with sincerity and grace, as I would expect her to do, and with a focus on taking forward the necessary action. She was at my side when I was briefed in February about the suspected increase in drug death numbers, and she was at my side in June as we wrestled with those issues with partners.
At that event in June were the families of individuals who had been affected by drugs. Unfortunately, one of those individuals could not be there on that occasion, but she was on the “Debate Night” programme last night—a lady called Sandra Holmes, who has been very open about the fact that her family has been affected by drug use. Sandra Holmes made the important point that the debate is more serious than political point scoring and the blaming of various individuals.
I stand here as First Minister, and I accept full responsibility for everything that happens in the name of my Government. It is my duty to do so, and I accept it willingly. I am determined to ensure that my ministers and I take every action to improve the lives of people in Scotland, including those who are affected by drugs, and to ensure that we deliver improvements in their lives and the support that they require.
We have to face the realities. We have new drugs causing absolute havoc in our communities and increasing the severity of addiction, but the Government is determined to confront that, and that is exactly what we will do.
Drug Deaths (Nitazenes)
I congratulate Michael Marra on his election to the leadership of the Scottish Labour Party and, given the subject matter of his first question today, I pay tribute to the tireless work that he has done on drug mortality.
Every year, the Government promises to deal with Scotland’s drug death emergency, and every year, more people die. I have listened with some concern today as the First Minister has attempted to explain that with reference to the spike in synthetics, as if it was somehow unexpected.
I first uttered the word “nitazene” in the chamber some three years ago, when Humza Yousaf was First Minister. Back then, these drugs were connected to just nine deaths in Scotland; last year, they took the lives of 247 people. The warning signs were there. I raised the matter 10 times. I wrote to ministers, asked questions of First Ministers and appeared at committee. Experts warned the First Minister’s Government that nitazenes were coming and that they were deadly.
That begs a question of the First Minister. If addressing this truly is the Scottish National Party’s national mission, why has it failed?
The Government has taken seriously the upsurge in nitazenes in our society. I heard the warnings that Mr Cole-Hamilton gave—I was in the Parliament, and I saw that the Government responded to that through the actions that we have taken in relation to the increase in rehabilitation services; the improvements in community support organisation activity; the harm reduction measures, such as the opening of the Thistle; and listening to families. All that has been done.
I acknowledge the widespread interest among members in the chamber, including Mr Cole-Hamilton, in these questions. However, I highlight that the Government has also engaged seriously with Police Scotland, which has been pursuing criminals who are responsible for manufacturing these drugs and peddling them in our society. That is one of the reasons why we are now seeing more and more people being convicted of drug offences and serving time in our prisons—that is because of the combined action on harm reduction and the pursuit of criminal behaviour in our society. That lies at the heart of the agenda that the Government will take forward.
On the number of nitazenes that are being produced, there is literally one new drug per week being produced as a consequence of criminal activity. Police Scotland is focused on tackling that issue, and we will focus on providing the support to individuals to reduce the harm of taking drugs.
The first line of defence in the detection of nitazenes and combating their effect is pill checking. The Home Office green-lighted the establishment of a pill-checking facility by the Scottish Government, but it is still not open.
This is a particularly Scottish problem, but we know what works—drug checking works, and we have waited long enough. Safe consumption rooms work, so why is there only one of them? Aberlour Children’s Charity’s mother and baby units work—that is an intervention that Liberal Democrats insisted was part of the budget. Those facilities are saving lives, and we need more of them.
The Government says that this is an emergency, but it is trapped in the headlights. It has thrown money, statements and ministers at the issue, and yet 100 people are dying every single month because of drugs. If this really is the Government trying its best, what hope is there?
I will address the various issues that Mr Cole-Hamilton has raised. First, on drug testing, the Home Office approved our application for a facility, after many years of waiting, in October 2025, and it is expected to open on 3 October.
Since October 2025, the Government has been working with the University of Dundee to ensure that the necessary clinical infrastructure is in place to ensure that drug testing can be undertaken. That is not a straightforward process, but that sophisticated work has now been undertaken and the drug-testing facility will open in Glasgow in October.
Mr Cole-Hamilton asks why we have only one drug consumption facility. We have only one because the establishment of that consumption facility was argued for and prepared for by Glasgow City Council, and the Lord Advocate gave the necessary legal flexibility to enable it to open.
That requires the Lord Advocate to exercise a judgment that is difficult to exercise because of the provisions of the Misuse of Drugs Act 1971, which is a real impediment to there being more drug consumption rooms in Scotland. If I had my way, I would have more drug consumption rooms in other parts of the country. However, I have to respect the legal process that we undertake. I have been stressing the importance of obeying the law.
Mr Cole-Hamilton mentioned the Aberlour mother and baby unit. I welcome the collaboration with the Liberal Democrats that enabled the budget provision to be put in place for that. That is how this Parliament should work—through engagement across the parties to find ways of working to improve people's lives.
I could not have been clearer to this Parliament since the election that I recognise that I do not command a majority here. If we want to improve the lives of people in our country, we have to work together to do that, and my Government is committed to doing exactly that.