Agenda item 1 is an oral evidence session on the so-called bedroom tax. The committee has done a substantial amount of high-profile work on the bedroom tax and its mitigation through discretionary housing payments. The aim of today’s session is to take stock of how the mitigation is working in practice and whether it is having the desired effect on the ground.
For our discussions today, we will use a round-table format, which allows us to hear from a wider range of witnesses in a short time. It has worked well for us in the past and I hope that it will work again today. For the benefit of those in the public gallery or viewing online, I point out that the round-table format not only allows members to ask questions directly of those who have kindly given their time to come along but encourages interaction between everyone round the table. If witnesses want to ask questions, make comments or bring points to the committee’s attention, I would welcome that. We will keep the discussion as fluid as possible in the time that we have available, but I ask for all contributions from members and witnesses to be made one at a time and through me, to ensure that everyone gets an opportunity to have their say. That will also allow our broadcasting and official report staff to record the discussion.
I welcome the witnesses. Alan Wyllie is not yet with us, but we know that he is on his way. He is a previous petitioner to the committee as part of the no2bedroomtax campaign. We have with us Scott Wilson, who was a your say witness to the committee and who has been helpful to us in the past; Hanna McCulloch, policy and parliamentary officer at the Child Poverty Action Group in Scotland; Jeremy Hewer, policy adviser with the Scottish Federation of Housing Associations; Cliff Dryburgh, benefits manager at the City of Edinburgh Council; Annette Finnan, head of area services for housing at South Lanarkshire Council; and Lorna Campbell, service manager for revenues and benefits at Dumfries and Galloway Council. I thank you all for giving your time this morning.
I will get the ball rolling and get us into some of the issues. Yesterday, a few members of the committee attended an event at a community centre in Niddrie in Edinburgh, at which we considered a range of welfare issues. We sat at different tables, and at the table where I was, two people mentioned concerns about the way in which the DHP system is operating. The Scottish Federation of Housing Associations mentioned the same issue in its written submission, at paragraph 2.15. Basically, we were told that a situation appears to be developing in which DHP is diverted away from people who might previously have received it because officials who administer the process are so focused on getting payments to people who are affected by the bedroom tax.
I will start with Jeremy Hewer. Is that your experience and, if it is becoming a problem, how difficult a problem is it? After Jeremy has answered, anyone else who has experience of the issue could let us know what the position is from their perspective.
We have one or two cases in which that concern has been raised. Although the SFHA welcomes and appreciates the intervention of the Scottish Government and local authorities in fully mitigating the bedroom tax through DHPs, other areas of the DHP system give rise to concern. To give some background, the Department for Work and Pensions allocates a contribution towards DHPs, which it does under four headings: the traditional core issues for which DHPs have always been there; the local housing allowance; the benefit cap; and the bedroom tax, or removal of the spare room subsidy. The DWP has maintained its notional allocation for the spare room subsidy at £60 million but cut considerably the allocations for the other areas so, overall, the 2014-15 budget of about £165 million has been reduced nationally to, I think, £125 million.
In addition, the DWP has recalculated the way in which some of the allocation is distributed. The net result is that a couple of authorities in Scotland have done slightly better but some authorities have done worse. Most notably, Glasgow has been hit by a reduction of more than £1 million in the DWP contribution. Obviously, the desire is to fully mitigate the bedroom tax, but the other areas that have traditionally been supported by the DHP, particularly the local housing allowance, which relates to private sector tenants, and the core issues might be losing out. As I said in our submission, in the feedback that we got from associations after we made inquiries, a couple said that claimants who had previously been awarded a DHP had had their application for an award turned down or the amount reduced.
Does anyone else have any experience of the issue?
Last year, South Lanarkshire Council made more than 5,000 DHP awards for the underoccupancy element, but we also made more than 1,600 awards for other categories. There is a divide between the two elements, and benefit agencies and departments in councils are having to judge on that. However, awards are still being made in that other group. In South Lanarkshire, we have streamlined the process of DHP awards for underoccupancy but, with awards for other matters such as the benefit cap or other forms of hardship, we still have to look at the criteria. We have to apply a test or criteria for those other categories, but we have still made awards in them. However, this year, our DWP allowance for DHP has gone down by more than £100,000, which is 16 per cent. We will have to see how far that goes.
Mr Hewer, can you tell us where the housing associations that have experienced difficulties are? There might be a difficulty in certain parts of the country but not others, so it would be useful for us to know that.
If my memory serves me well, I think that it was housing associations in the north. I cannot remember exactly, but it was either Aberdeen or Aberdeenshire.
It would be useful for the committee if we wrote to local authorities to find out how the elements are split. It is useful to hear from Ms Finnan, but it would be much better if we heard from every authority on what is happening in that regard.
Absolutely.
One of the commitments that we gave to people who attended the event yesterday was that they would remain anonymous, so I do not want to identify anybody but, given that the event was based in Edinburgh, it is safe to say that we were talking about issues relating to Edinburgh. Therefore, it is fair to ask Cliff Dryburgh whether he has a take on the issue.
I echo Annette Finnan’s points about South Lanarkshire. In 2014-15, we saw no degradation in the numbers of awards of core DHP. In fact, if anything, the number was up slightly on previous years. However, for 2015-16, like South Lanarkshire, we have a cut of £165,000 around the core DHP. Our approach to that will be similar to the one that Annette Finnan talked about—we will see how it goes. We are motoring through the underoccupancy and benefit cap awards at the moment. After that, we will see what we have left, and we might have to do some policy tailoring, depending on what we have left. However, as I said, in 2014-15, I did not see any degradation in Edinburgh.
My understanding is that the bedroom tax has been completely mitigated and the payment is there for that. Is it people’s understanding that there would have been pressures on discretionary housing payments regardless because of the cuts from the DWP?
I am afraid that it is a bit more complex than that. Although the DWP allocates a certain amount for discretionary payments under various headings, there is no hard-and-fast rule that those headings have to be rigidly followed. One of the headings is the benefit cap, and that is not such a big issue in Scotland as it is within the M25, where well over half of all benefit cap cases are located. The real concern is the recalculation of the core element of discretionary housing payments, and that has changed to a fairly basic pro rata per head basis. That is why authorities such as Glasgow lost out very badly.
Am I right in saying that that was going to happen anyway whether or not the bedroom tax element had been mitigated by the Scottish Government?
I cannot say for certain. One of the arguments is that the Westminster Government was going to reduce its overall allocation for DHPs anyway. It was seen to be a transitional arrangement. In cases that came up before the higher courts the argument was made that the bedroom tax is an infringement of human rights. The decision of the courts was that—I am paraphrasing—the tax might have been discriminatory but discretionary housing payments existed to mitigate its effects, so the appellants lost and the Government won. The quid pro quo is that, to avoid litigation, the Government has to maintain a higher allocation of DHP than it might originally have wanted.
Like colleagues from other local authorities, we have seen an increase in demand for DHP because of other welfare cuts. I would not say that we have fully mitigated the bedroom tax, but we have for 97 per cent. We tried to contact the remaining 3 per cent but the fall-down is a result of lack of contact and claimants not coming to us. We have made DHPs to another 1,000 tenants outwith the bedroom tax, but the demand is high.
Dumfries and Galloway had an uplift in DHP because of our rural element. I would not say that we had a generous allocation of DHP, but it was sufficient to meet the demand in 2013 and 2014. Demand is still high and it is likely to get higher with the implementation of universal credit from April this year. We expect demand for DHP to remain high and our ability to meet it with our reduced funds to come under pressure.
One of the other issues that were raised yesterday and in the submissions from witnesses today is the fact that the cost of going through an application process can be problematic and can draw resources away from other budgets. Why is that happening?
10:15
In South Lanarkshire, the processing of the DHP and the enhanced level of engagement and contact with our tenants that we are trying to effect has impacted on our budgets. The commitment to fully mitigate the bedroom tax through additional funds from the Scottish Government certainly helped us to streamline our processes; there is no doubt about that.
We changed our policy and our processes for administering DHP, but we still have to process the massive increase in DHP claims as well as try to contact the almost 5,000 people who are affected. Again, we are being very proactive in how we contact our affected tenants and are working closely with our housing association partners. We have brought on a local team that is known as the benefits are changing team, which has 10 officers who have now been in post for a year and a half to two years. We added three staff to our staff who process DHPs and we have provided additional staff to local housing offices to help manage rent arrears, which increased initially.
A burden has been placed on local authorities to try to administer the process and contact tenants to provide the necessary help and support for hardship issues from welfare reform or elsewhere. There is a pressure on budgets at a time when they are being cut.
Obviously, there are some pressures, but we have the mitigation from the Scottish Government, which I think we are all grateful for. Certainly, having been round the doors quite a bit of late, I think that some families would not have been able to cope without that mitigation. However, we are about to face a budget in July from a Government that has said that it is looking for £12 billion-worth of further welfare cuts. What would happen to you guys and to the folks out there if the Westminster Government withdrew its funding for DHP? What would be the cost if it was decided that the funding for DHP is one of the cuts within the £12 billion?
One of the biggest impacts would be on people’s ability to meet the shortfall. The DHP is allowing the shortfall in housing benefit to be made up but, if that finance is not available, the burden will fall back on the local authority to increase the budget and/or have increased bad debt provision for potential rent arrears and people’s inability to meet their housing costs.
Would it also be detrimental to your ability to invest in the housing stock and maybe build even more council houses?
We articulated in our submission that the pressure on council budgets will impact on service provision, whether it be staffing, our ability to invest in and repair our stock, or our ability to finance a capital programme from our housing account for new build and other major investments to meet the new housing standards in terms of the energy efficiency standard for social housing—EESSH—and so on. There will be an impact on those areas if councils face further pressures, particularly on the housing department’s budget.
It would be fair to say that if the United Kingdom Government chose to take that route, it would have an effect not only on those folks who are currently in receipt of DHPs for various reasons but on everyone who relies on council services.
As we articulated in our submission, there is no doubt that there would be an impact on council services.
Thank you. Can Mr Hewer respond from a housing association viewpoint?
Obviously, there would be a very detrimental impact on our tenants. The real concern, which was highlighted in some of the written submissions, is about bedroom tax mitigation through DHPs, which is a great expedient that has done a lot. However, there is a group of folk who are not entitled to housing benefit and DHPs. One of the cuts that the Westminster Government is thinking of is the removal of the entitlement of young people under 25 to housing benefit. Obviously, if they were not entitled to housing benefit, technically they would not be entitled to discretionary housing payments, so the impact on them would be even more acute.
Could Mr Dryburgh respond regarding Edinburgh?
It depends on the scale of the cut to the DHP pot. If I turn the clock back two years, to before we had the mitigation funding and the top-ups, to 1 April 2013, I was sitting in Edinburgh with a pot from the DWP of around £1.3 or £1.4 million. Our policy reflected that ability to spend. In other words, the City of Edinburgh Council was not going to top up that pot, so that was all we had. Our policy included looking at luxuries. Basically, a DHP would have been awarded for six months through an income and expenditure statement, and perhaps at the end of that six months, under review, if certain standards of living had not changed as shown in the income and expenditure statement, we might not have awarded any further DHP, because we did not have further funds to award.
The luxuries paragraph is still in our policy today. If funds were cut back to a large extent, we may have to fall back to that policy in the first instance as a way of saying “That is all the money we have; therefore, if you do not reduce some of the luxuries, potentially your award will stop.” I am not saying that that approach would be widespread, but that is where we were two years ago, and it would be our first port of call.
If the cuts were bigger than that and the pot was absolutely decimated, the council would have to have a hard think about whether it had any funds at all or what other services would suffer—infrastructure, staffing, any other services—in order to fill that hole in DHP.
I want to note that even without additional welfare cuts, welfare cuts are already happening. Changes in the way that family benefits are uprated from year to year will have a cumulative effect. Even though those are not housing-specific benefits, they will affect family budgets and, in turn, the ability to cover housing costs. The issue is not just additional cuts or changes to local housing allowance, changes to non-dependant deductions or other housing-related reforms. The general fall in the value of benefits will affect low-income families and lead to more pressure on DHPs as people cannot cover their housing costs.
I want to follow up on a point that Kevin Stewart raised and some of the points that local authorities have raised; it ties in to where Hanna McCulloch is going in her submission, too. It concerns changes to support for people under 25. In my constituency, a lot of people who are under 25 are struggling and have young families as well. Recently I had a meeting with an executive director of social work in South Lanarkshire, who told me that there was great worry about the consequential impact on services such as child protection, the child poverty strategy, housing allocation and people’s ability to pay rent.
It is early days, but have any local authorities done tentative modelling on that and, if so, what is the modelling telling them? I know that the Child Poverty Action Group has done some modelling. What impact can we expect from those changes? What are the consequential impacts on any housing benefit payment, universal credit or benefit payment that goes to the family?
We have not done any specific modelling on under-25s, but we are aware of our housing benefit case load and that could be extracted. What you say is obviously correct. We have had conversations with our social work services department, which faces increased pressures with families who are already feeling the impacts of the welfare cuts.
We have also spoken to our registered social landlords. As a stock transfer authority, we do not have our own housing stock. Our main RSL has already expressed concerns to us that its rent arrears for last year, despite the increased DHP awards that it had overall, have increased by £300,000; it is particularly vulnerable to changes in its debts, so it has significant concerns about its future if there are further impacts from welfare cuts.
If there was any reduction in housing benefit payments and a consequent increase in arrears, that would create specific challenges for housing associations because the borrowing that they have used to invest in their housing and to build housing is based on assumptions of rental income streams and, if they could not match those assumptions, the lenders would say that they would have to renegotiate their covenant, which would probably mean an increased cost. That increased cost would probably be reflected in increased rents throughout the stock. Not only tenants who are dependent on housing benefit or universal credit, but any tenant of the association would be adversely affected.
To follow on from that point, South Lanarkshire Council’s submission says:
“the complex arrangements involved in identifying and managing rent arrears for households affected by the under occupancy rules had also adversely impacted upon rent arrears more generally.”
I ask Jeremy Hewer and Annette Finnan to comment on the general effect on rent arrears.
Initially—almost two years ago—the impact on rent arrears was significant. We saw an immediate rise in rent arrears for households that were affected by the welfare reforms that had been introduced, but we have been able to reverse some of that trend.
When I gave evidence in November 2013, more than 70 per cent of our tenants who were affected by the bedroom tax had some form of arrears. That has significantly reduced to just over 30 per cent, and the proportion of tenants who have arrears that relate solely to the reduction in their housing benefit as a result of the bedroom tax is now 7 per cent, so there has been a significant reduction in arrears that relate to that change.
However, we have still experienced increased arrears overall, as households are affected by other changes to their income and benefits and are experiencing hardship, so arrears remain a challenge. Only through the increased funding for DHP have we been able to reverse that significant trend in arrears by putting in the resources to engage with the tenants who are affected and ensure that they apply in a simplified way for DHP, and that we get it into people’s accounts.
We are still waiting for the Scottish Housing Regulator data for the financial year just gone but there was an overall increase in rent arrears between 2012-13 and 2013-14—the year before the introduction of the bedroom tax and the year after. I think that it went up from 3.3 to 4.3 per cent overall.
The impression that we get from associations is that they have coped with the arrears situation. Certainly, when the full mitigation was introduced in the financial year just gone, there was a collective sigh of relief and folk felt much more positive. However, we have not really assessed the increased resources that landlords have put into rent collection and other mitigation work.
A number of associations have been very lucky to get money from the making advice work project that the Scottish Legal Aid Board administered to improve the quality of advice for tenants and their access to it and to help them to make the best of the resources that they have. That has had a positive impact, but you always wonder at the back of your mind how long that can last. People are being stretched. If they have got into debt, they might have borrowed from friends and family and those resources might no longer be available. They have reached the limit and the real worry is that it will all come crashing down on a personal level.
10:30
Margaret McDougall has a related point.
Yes, it is around allocations, which Christina McKelvie touched on briefly. We have had evidence that housing providers are reluctant to allocate properties that would be underoccupied. Is there any evidence of that from the local authorities or from the SFHA?
We have had evidence from Scottish Women’s Aid that women are being held longer in refuges because there are no one-bedroom properties for them to be offered. The shortage of one-bedroom properties is causing the problem. Some local authorities seem to be using discretionary housing payments to allow single women to get a two-bedroom property, but that approach is not consistent across all local authorities. What is your feedback on the situation?
We have had anecdotal evidence on the turnover of properties. The housing associations have not necessarily been saying, “No, we don’t want to let this to you because you may be liable for the bedroom tax.” It is more a case of the applicant saying, “I’d prefer not to have such a large property in case I’m hit with the bedroom tax in the future.” There has been a slowing down of throughput, if you like. Some associations have reported that they have found it more difficult to allocate and to let their larger properties, and that it has taken more time.
Their void figures are going up.
I am not sure whether they are going up, but turnover time is certainly lengthening on the larger properties. There is an overall housing shortfall, but people are being much more thoughtful about the commitments that they take on.
Is that the same for local authorities?
We have not made any change to our allocation policy on the occupancy standard that applicants can apply for. There is a choice. Single people and couples can apply for and wait for a one or two-bedroom property. We have not changed that because of the bedroom tax. However, applicants are choosing to wait for the property size that best matches their household in terms of the benefit that they qualify for. I cannot say how many there are, but there is a trend.
We have not seen any detrimental effect on our void-management processes on how long it takes to allocate a property, but we have seen pressure on our smaller properties. In the past 12 months, we have experienced an 18 per cent drop in turnover generally. Only 25 per cent of our stock is one-bedroom properties, so that drop makes a big cut in the number of properties of that size that are available for those who are on our waiting lists. Couples and single people form more than 60 per cent of those on our housing list, so there is pressure for small properties.
As I say, we have not changed our policy, and couples and single people can access a one or a two-bedroom property.
Our four main RSLs have a common allocations policy, which has been adapted to reflect a family’s size needs. The RSLs report that they allocate a larger property if that is what the tenant is looking for. If there is a shortfall, we are covering that with discretionary housing payments.
Our main RSL reports that it has a build-up of large three-bedroom properties, especially in the remote and rural areas. They are finding those properties difficult to let; people are wary of taking on properties that are larger than their needs, because of the potential of being hit with a bedroom tax somewhere down the line. The situation is beginning to cause a problem in some of our areas.
In our letter to local authorities, it may be prudent to ask them about the effect on allocations.
That is a fair point.
There are things going on in Edinburgh to try to make people move to mainly smaller properties. There is a council tenant incentive scheme package to incentivise people to downsize but, conversely, it can work up the way if required. We have a housing exchange policy that includes council houses and housing associations. The housing layout plans are being amended in the future build programme to include more one-bedroom properties that are flexible and can be converted to two-bedroom properties if required. I am guessing that that is not much different from what a lot of the other local authorities are doing to gain more flexibility.
Annette Finnan touched on something very similar in her submission. What numbers are we talking about? The South Lanarkshire submission talks about
“a letting initiative to help tenants move to smaller properties ... promotion of our on-line mutual exchange service”
and
“inclusion within our new house building programme of 1 bedroom properties”
What scale are we talking about, and what has been the impact relative to the number of households that are affected by the bedroom tax in each of your local authorities?
In South Lanarkshire’s submission, we referenced our letting initiative to support anyone who wished to move to a smaller property, whether it be from a three-bedroom property to a two-bedroom property, or from a two-bedroom property to a one-bedroom property; it did not matter. We gave priority to those who applied. At the end of December last year, the priority list contained only 50 applicants who wanted to move to a smaller property. Of those who were offered smaller properties, only nine accepted. Although almost 5,000 people in South Lanarkshire are affected, a small number have chosen to move, probably because their costs would have been met through DHP. Of those who are on the list as a safeguard, only a small number are choosing to make the move when they can.
DHP is certainly helping households to remain in their homes—they are not being forced to move—but we have the initiative in place.
Is that the experience in Edinburgh?
I do not have exact figures with me. My submission says that our spend on underoccupancy increased in 2014-15, so a significant downshift is not clearly identifiable from the schemes, probably because, as Annette Finnan said, their costs are being met.
Were things different before the costs were being met? Was there more interest in moving before there was full mitigation, or was it still the case that many people just did not want to move?
The majority of cases are within the council stock. I cannot comment on what happened previously.
Something that Mr Dryburgh said earlier concerned me; I think that it was the use of language that jumped out at me. From my eight years as an elected representative, I know that people who claim discretionary housing payment live about as far away as possible from the idea of luxury. What sort of things are being looked at for families?
I was trying to say that we are not yet at the point of looking at luxuries, but we might have to get to that point in the future if DHP allocations are cut by 50 or 100 per cent and the council cannot find the money. If there is no money left, that is what we will have to do but we have not had to do it yet.
Can I have some examples of what a luxury would be? Would it be a pet, for example?
I guess that we would be looking at an income and expenditure statement. An example might be television provision or Sky or something like that. It could be any aspect of an income and expenditure statement. We are talking about lifestyle statements.
It is worth highlighting a case in our submission that involves a family with four children who had been moved to temporary accommodation because they were fleeing domestic violence. In essence, they hit the benefit cap and their housing benefit was reduced substantially. They applied for discretionary housing payment and were given an award for three months, but they were told that it was unlikely to be extended because their spending on electricity was higher than average. Bear in mind that there were four children in the family. One of the children was being counselled as a result of their experience of fleeing violence and the cost of that, too, was seen as excessive.
That is a one-off case, but it has some worrying implications.
You mentioned someone being counselled because they had seen and been part of a situation that involved domestic violence. Surely counselling is a necessity in that instance. Were they paying for that counselling because they could not get it from the local authority or others? I do not understand that. It is ridiculous if that counselling was seen as a luxury.
I only have the small note of the case that is in the written submission, but I can get further details for you. As far as I remember, the fact that the mother was paying privately for counselling for her child was taken into account. However, as I said, DHP was awarded for three months.
Hanna McCulloch alluded to the fact that her submission included some cases that we could have a look at, but we have a live case sitting with us—Scott Wilson, who has been through the process. Scott, do you want to give us your experience and tell us how you feel about the process?
I gave evidence to the Welfare Reform Committee in September 2013 in relation to the bedroom tax.
Three years ago, I was diagnosed with younger onset Parkinson’s disease. As most of you know, it is a degenerative disease, so I am never going to get better; I will only get worse. My very uncomfortable and sometimes painful symptoms are aggravated by stress, anxiety and so on. If I have to worry about trying to pay £40.76 from my benefits just now, I hate to think how my health will be affected in the future.
Since I last gave evidence, I have contacted South Lanarkshire Council regarding help with DHP. I have nothing but praise for the way in which the staff handled my queries. They dealt with everything, and I was awarded £10.19 a week of DHP.
I would like the Government to take notice of the needy, poor and disabled people on whom this mediaeval tax is forced, and I would like to see it abolished before the Scottish Government can no longer afford to subsidise it, and people fall into debt through no fault of their own.
That is a very strong comment, and it certainly reflects what we heard yesterday when we took evidence in Niddrie. One of the people who spoke to us had gone through the process, too, and although they had nothing but praise for the local authority staff who had supported them they were concerned about the fact that they were still in arrears and were having to work with the local authority to try to resolve that problem. Is that your experience? Do you know of other people who are in that position? Do other members of the panel have a view about how wide the problem is of the residual arrears from the first year of the new system, before the mitigation was in place?
I think that there will be a lot of people who have had to deal with arrears from before the point at which they got DHP sorted out. I did not know much about DHP until I came here to give evidence. It was not public knowledge. It was sort of in the background, and if people did not know about it they would not know to ask for it.
Does that represent the view of local authorities? Are arrears still an on-going problem? How are you dealing with that?
Since funding for DHP was increased last year, as it was again for this year, we have fully mitigated the bedroom tax through DHP for all of our tenants who have engaged with us. We think that 99 per cent of it has been mitigated. For the very small number of people who do not have DHP, that is either because they are a relatively new applicant—we are trying to process applications as quickly as we can, and we aim to contact the people affected within five working days—or because they are tenants who, despite multiple contacts, have still not engaged with us.
10:45Only a very small number of people in South Lanarkshire now have arrears relating to the bedroom tax. Some households have small arrears relating to the bedroom tax, but none of them has other arrears, and we are managing those cases sensitively through our rent arrears processes.
On arrears that might have accrued prior to the increase in funding, our local authority has effectively backdated DHP to cover any shortfall through the bedroom tax and, as I said, it has fully mitigated any shortfall for those who have engaged with us.
Has that been possible for every other local authority, or are there still sizeable numbers of people affected? Is it only a small number of cases that need to be addressed?
In Edinburgh, we are at about 97 per cent. There are about 150 people who have just not engaged, albeit we have tried all the different mediums of engagement—email, phone calls and a visiting team. We have continued to try and contact them. We even engaged with the Lothian anti-bedroom tax federation. We had representatives of the federation come in, and we spoke to them, encouraging them to make contact.
We have spoken about widening eligibility and the speed of award. We have very much moved to an intent-to-apply approach. If somebody contacts us and says that they would like to apply for DHP for underoccupancy, that is all that they have to do. We need that, at least, to be able to award, but it is simply that one sentence. We have put that message out.
In my experience, not everybody will respond when the local authority gets in touch, because some people might think that it is about rent arrears. By trying to engage through a third party from the third sector, we have got our percentage up a bit.
Anecdotally, I have heard people saying that, too. You are the landlord, and people do not like to deal with their landlord when there is an issue with arrears. Is that the case?
The arrears situation has been kept well under control through strenuous efforts at engagement, ensuring that there is maximum take-up and income maximisation. Some associations have reported that they were fortunate enough to get full mitigation in the previous financial year, which was 2013-14, before the actual full mitigation, because some local authorities had resources available. However, some were not so lucky.
As time has gone on, the distinction between bedroom tax arrears and other arrears has become blurred. It depends on how sophisticated the individual housing associations and housing management systems are. Those systems were not originally designed to distinguish between one kind of arrears and another.
There have been submissions on the next issue that I want to raise, and I heard people mention it again yesterday. It was also in some of the submissions that we have received this morning. It has been suggested that a non-application system would be more effective and would reduce some of the bureaucracy. Is there something about DHP that prevents it from being dealt with through a non-application system? Do you have to go through the bureaucracy—and miss out on 150 or so people—in order to use DHP? Is there another way to use DHP that does not require an application?
I have heard some housing associations say that, if they apply for DHP, consideration is given to that but, technically, it has to be the claimant who applies. Some tenant claimants, even if they are told that there is free money, are very reluctant to engage for one reason or another, whether it is because of fear or because they are taking a principled stand against the idea of the bedroom tax, or whatever. They do not want to engage with the housing association or local authority.
I have certainly raised that issue with the minister, because it has been brought to my attention by local authorities. Local authorities have said that they would prefer a non-application system. They all know who is affected by the bedroom tax—there is 100 per cent knowledge of those who are impacted—but even a 99 or 97 per cent level of distribution of the funds to those who have applied still means that some people are missing out. Although authorities know who those people are, they have to get them to apply.
We need to look seriously at having a non-application system so that, if someone is identified as falling foul of the underoccupancy rule, they receive support. The finances have been put in place to cover that individual, but they are not receiving the money. There seems to be a bureaucratic obstacle that must be addressed. Do you have any views on how that can be done?
Discretionary housing payments were always seen as an expedient—if you like, they were about making the best of a bad job. Ideally, we would have a system in which we did not have the business around the removal of the spare-room subsidy. We would have a system in which we could actually intervene.
With the roll-out of universal credit, things will be much more complicated. At present, those who calculate the housing benefit and those who calculate the DHPs are at least from the same organisation, so the process is relatively seamless. When universal credit comes in, the challenge for housing associations will be that they will have to deal with the DWP on the core housing costs as well as applying to the local authority for the discretionary housing payment. They will also have to apply to the tenant for any contribution that the tenant has to make in his or her own right. It will be a crazy system, particularly in terms of reconciling the rent.
If I am right, local authorities may be working on a fortnightly or four-weekly basis, and the DWP will be working on a calendar-month basis. Ensuring that all the rent is being paid and has been reconciled will be quite a headache.
In addition, the manual systems that are coming in with universal credit and the infrastructure that the DWP is having to use are a grave concern. I do not know whether the committee has seen the report on the issue by the Public Accounts Committee, which came out fairly recently. It states:
“The Department has used 100% manual checking of live service payments at various points in the past, and it had to reintroduce 100% checks in June 2014 because of problems created by a software update. The Department told us that if it had to carry out full manual checking on every case as live service expands across the country, the programme would be almost unaffordable.”
To have 100 per cent live checking of what was, at that time, probably about 12,000 cases was a task. Now, the DWP is boasting that it has well over 50,000—coming up to 60,000—cases. If the national expansion completes in April next year, there may be a couple of hundred thousand single claimants on universal credit nationally. If the DWP has to check all those cases manually, I really do not know what is going to happen.
Obviously, the knock-on effect in terms of housing costs, benefit delays and things like that will cause huge problems for local authorities, landlords and the private rented sector.
On that point, convener—
There are people who have not had the chance to come in yet, Kevin. I will come back to you though.
We are aware that there is a genuine problem of non-engagement with the benefits system across the board. Particular people will not engage, and they can get into serious hardship as a result. Is the issue of non-engagement in relation to the underoccupancy charge greater, or is the proportion of non-engagement that is experienced across the benefits system simply the same?
I do not have information on whether the proportion is the same or different, but I imagine that it is on a similar scale. Non-engagement is a general issue rather than a DHP-specific issue.
I want to pick up a point that Jeremy Hewer made—he hit the nail on the head, and Scott Wilson hammered it home. As much as we appreciate the mitigation that is put in place, the actual system does not work. It does not support people in need.
Although there has been a great experience at South Lanarkshire Council—indeed, the recent cases on which I have worked closely with the executive director of the council have gone very well—the need to abolish is much more pertinent than the need to mitigate while working within an already damaged and non-functioning system. The Smith commission has offered us some way out on that. However, the Devolution (Further Powers) Committee published a report last week that suggested that the proposals do not go far enough and are not holding to the spirit of the agreement.
How would professionals in the field, who are doing great work to support people such as Mr Wilson, view that? What kind of system would you like to see? Does Smith go far enough? What would you like to see in the Scotland bill that will be introduced in a few weeks’ time that might address all of the issues? We are agreed that the system does not work. We either replace the system with something that works, or try to fix the system that we have now. We have been tinkering at fixing it for years with all sorts of mitigation schemes. As I said, those are welcome, but they do not address the underlying problem, which is that we need to help people in need.
Does anybody have the magic bullet?
From my perspective, working at the professional end of the system, DHPs were always intended in the legislation as it was written as a temporary measure to sort a temporary problem; they were never intended to be a long-term solution. Using DHPs to mitigate the impact of the bedroom tax just means more administration. It is about not just the application but the changes and maintenance that are required.
I agree to a degree that the way to mitigate is to get rid of the system at the legislation level. We would then not need the administration on top that involves trying to get in contact with tenants and trying to get people to participate or contact local authorities. We could just remove that altogether, if that was the desired outcome.
I want to go back to a point that Mr Hewer made. I am interested in the letter that the chief executive of the Scottish Federation of Housing Associations received from Neil Couling, who is, as the committee is aware, the director general in charge of universal credit. In his letter, he says that he believes that the system is “safe and secure”. Do our witnesses here today believe that the system is safe and secure? I will ask Mr Hewer first, since the letter was addressed to the SFHA.
Our reaction to reading that letter was, “Aye, right.” No, I do not think that the system is safe and secure. There are serious doubts about the system, particularly with regard to the dual approach that the DWP is taking to the introduction of universal credit. A digital system is currently being trialled in Sutton, and I think that it will shortly be expanded to Croydon, but its effectiveness has yet to be proven. The existing system certainly seems to be flaky, and is ever so dependent on manual calculations.
Is the system and safe and secure? Bearing in mind that the DWP is using the digital system for only the most straightforward cases at present, it might get away with it. However, when more complex cases come through and the system is introduced for couples and families, we are going to have problems.
In some ways, there may be some benefits. There is some indication that universal credit may be beneficial for those in work who are eligible compared with the existing legacy systems. However, from what I have seen and what I have read, it is not a robust and resilient system.
11:00
This point does not relate directly to universal credit, but I have one eye on the clock.
When I was looking to submit evidence, I found that there seems to be a group of people for whom the impact of the bedroom tax is not being mitigated at all. Once the bedroom tax is applied to their eligible rent, their rent for the purpose of the housing benefit calculation is reduced and is therefore seen as being affordable. Those people are therefore not eligible for housing benefit as a result of the bedroom tax being applied. As a result of not being eligible for housing benefit, they are not eligible to apply for the discretionary housing payment.
We have a few such cases and it is not about minuscule amounts of money; it can be £10 or £15 a week that people are having to cover out of their own pockets. We have only one or two cases, but I was keen to draw that issue to the committee’s attention and to find out from others whether that is a significant problem.
Is there any other evidence in relation to that issue? Are local authority colleagues aware of it?
I am aware of at least two or three cases in our local area, but it is not a significant problem. It has had an impact, but it is not huge as far as I am aware.
Christina McKelvie raised the issue of devolved powers. CPAG’s submission says:
“Draft Clause 9 currently states that the power can only be used for ‘Providing financial assistance to individuals who are entitled to (i) housing benefit, or (ii) any other reserved benefit payable in respect of a liability to make rent payments’”.
CPAG continues:
“Unless the drafting of this clause is changed, the Scottish Government will not be able to fully mitigate the impact of the ‘bedroom tax’ ... until the rollout of universal credit is complete. However, this could take up to four years”,
which would be 2019.
The other issue is that no one really knows how long the process to devolve powers will take. That is a real concern and, as Hanna McCulloch has rightly pointed out, we need to be able to help those who find that they no longer qualify for housing benefit because their rent has been lowered. We need to be able to do something about that but, currently, the devolved powers cannot be implemented because of the other issues around universal credit.
From a tenant’s point of view, by and large, mitigation has worked; the fact is that tenants are getting the help that they need. However, mitigation is only a short-term stop-gap rather than a long-term solution. We may be looking at a situation where housing benefit is devolved to the Scottish Parliament. If that is the case, I would argue that it is not who controls housing benefit that really matters; it is what we do with it.
Housing benefit was introduced in 1982 for two main reasons: the variations in rent and house values and a need to bring rent relief into the welfare state. It was a logical decision to bring housing benefit under the control of the Department for Work and Pensions. However, that was 30 years ago, and I would argue that the housing benefit experiment has failed. It is not meeting the objectives that it should have met. According to the Smith report, it looks as if housing benefit is to be devolved, and I support that transfer of powers. I do not see much merit in the argument that, if it is devolved, it would be under the control of a Scottish welfare minister. It makes more sense for it to be seen not as a benefit but as a state subsidy on the demand side of the housing system, to ensure fairness. Instead of being under the control of the Department for Work and Pensions, it should be under the control of the minister with responsibility for housing.
That would have two main effects. It would transform how we view housing benefit. It would no longer be seen as a subsidy for households on low incomes; it would be seen as a political and economic tool to ensure fairness in the housing system. It would also be good practice for the Government, because 95 per cent of the subsidies in housing are on the demand side, yet the housing minister has no control over that. We need to look for a longer-term solution to the bedroom tax, and that would be an option for us. We can change how we view housing benefit when responsibility for it is devolved to this Parliament.
Thank you for an interesting contribution. We are starting to get up against the clock, but if witnesses want to comment on the wider aspect that Mr Wyllie has spoken about, or respond to any points that their colleagues or MSPs have made, they can do so.
I echo the point that has been made about the timescale. Until there is some longer-term solution to the challenges that tenants in our communities are facing to meet housing costs, whether through the devolution of power or changes to the housing benefit or welfare systems, we need some shorter-term assurances that mitigation will be in place, so that we can plan for next year with some certainty and give surety to our tenants, who are obviously concerned about what the changes might mean for them because of the shortfall next year.
We must also consider whether we can lessen the administrative burden that has been placed on local authorities. We can make the system no simpler than we already have. We have to work to the regulations on how people qualify for housing benefit, which is the first hurdle, and the second hurdle is that they must apply or, as Cliff Dryburgh has said, give an intent to apply. That places an administrative burden on the local authorities that deal with the issue. In the short term, we need confirmation, if it can be given, about mitigation in future, as well as an examination of the regulations and administrative process.
I promised someone who was at the meeting yesterday that I would ask this next question. There might not be an answer, or we might need to write to local authorities to establish just how much the suggestion would cost. The point that was made to me yesterday was that the Scottish Government and Scottish Parliament have written off the debts of those who refuse to pay the poll tax. If there are any outstanding debts for those who cannot pay the bedroom tax, how much of an impact would it have on local authority budgets if there were to be a write-off of existing debts? Has that been considered? If so, do you have an idea of the number of people that it would impact on and how much it would cost?
I can see that no one has an answer. By the looks of it, we will have to write to local authorities to get that figure. Nevertheless, I have fulfilled my commitment to ask the question that I promised to ask.
Does anyone have any final comments about things that should be addressed before we finish?
One thing that emerged quite vociferously from yesterday’s Niddrie meeting was people’s concerns about digital inclusion. There was one lady whose only contact with the DWP to say that there was money coming was by text message to her mobile phone, and she has yet to understand exactly what payment she is getting and why. Going forward, as more and more pressure is put on the system, digital inclusion has to be seen as a social right and a lifeline for people, rather than being pushed into the category of a luxury. It is vital for people to have access to broadband and mobile phones in the current climate, especially considering the direction in which the DWP has pushed things.
Does anyone else have any comments?
On the Smith commission, there is general agreement about shifting administrative powers to Holyrood. Ideally, we would like that done sooner rather than later. If it can be done ahead of any primary legislation on devolution, through approval of a section 30 order, we would welcome that. Everybody would welcome it if we could just get on and do it, as it would ease the transition.
In almost 50 per cent of the 900 cases that we collected when looking at the impact of welfare reform on children and families, there was an issue with either misinformation, poor communication or maladministration more broadly. It is a massive issue that should remain the focus of the Welfare Reform Committee. There also needs to be investment in information and advice, so that when there is miscommunication and maladministration people are aware of it and can challenge DWP or local authority decisions.
I thank everyone who has come before us this morning. We have paid close attention to the issue in the past and we will continue to monitor it. We will keep a close eye on it as we look forward to the Smith commission impact and we will take on board all the points that have been raised and the questions that have been asked of us this morning.
We will have to contact local authorities for more information on two or three issues that came up this morning. It will be helpful if we get that, so that a clearer picture of what is happening can be discussed as we look at the issues. It has been useful to have this session to update ourselves on how things are moving forward on mitigation and on what remains to be done to address some of the problems that still exist, whether they are bureaucratic, administrative or to do with resource or whatever. We need to be aware of and keep an eye on these things, so thank you all very much for your contributions.
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