I welcome committee members, the press and the public. We have received apologies from Wendy Alexander, who cannot be with us. I also welcome Alasdair Morgan to our meeting. He is a former deputy convener of the committee and is here as a regional member for the South of Scotland. I am delighted that he has come along to our meeting.
My colleagues appointed me reporter because I am the local member.
Thank you. Do Jim Mather and Andrew Arbuckle want to add anything to what Elaine Murray has said?
I have nothing to add.
Would other non-MSP members of that workshop like to make a brief contribution? Don't be shy.
I am head of economic regeneration for Dumfries and Galloway Council. The issue of economic development and rural development that Elaine Murray mentioned is interesting. The feeling is that what we call rural development and what the Scottish Executive Environment and Rural Affairs Department does are largely about operations behind the farm gate. I do not deny the importance of that, because land management and agri-environment issues are fundamental for rural areas such as Dumfries and Galloway, but when we consider how that money can be stretched beyond the farm gate we start to see some gaps. There are many issues to consider in relation to the rural economy.
One of the themes that emerged in the transport workshop—which was picked up by Elaine Murray in the economic workshop—was the apparent similarity of circumstances in the south of Scotland and the Highlands despite the different institutional arrangements, particularly with regard to Highlands and Islands Enterprise's having a social as well as an economic remit. Is that something that bears on your experience?
It is. Over the past 10 years or so, we have heard discussions at policy and political level about the wider remit of Highlands and Islands Enterprise. The issue is not an institutional one about who does what—in rural areas, we tend to connect public agencies quite effectively—so much as it is an issue about a policy and resourcing gap. That relates to an issue that we focused on during the workshop: there seems to be a policy gap outwith the Highlands and Islands, which may be because of the portfolios of the institutions, although the issue is not so much about who does the work but about the apparent policy or funding gap. I do not think that we would have any difficulty in spending money if it were to come to the area. The issue is not the agency but the resourcing.
A message that came through at our workshop was that although the cross-cutting approach in the draft budget is welcome, it would make a lot of sense to have a unifying cross-cutting objective, which would give everyone a focus as they worked towards that objective. The perennial problem of trying to maximise the number of working-age people in work is seen as a problem that might provide such a focus.
I do not want to pre-empt what Mark Ballard will say on behalf of our workshop, but a key theme to come out of the contribution that Elaine Murray has just mentioned is the sense that budgets must be more effectively brought together to ensure that they have a greater impact. Our group considered tourism: people feel that we should put all the different funds for tourism, visitor attractions and artistic and cultural development into one pot to maximise their impact. That idea is strikingly similar to the committee's conclusions on deprivation spending—that the proliferation of different sources of funding has resulted in the impact actually being less than it might have been had all the funds been brought together. If they were brought together and spent more effectively, there would be a greater punch.
I want to pick up briefly on a point that was made by Tony Fitzpatrick. One of the largest sources of money for rural areas is the single farm payments, which do not go towards developing rural areas, but to individual farmers. They also go to former farmers who may no longer live in rural areas but have retired to a town. To me, that is not a very sensible use of money.
When our group talked about competitiveness, the feeling was that a Scotland-wide agenda on growth and competitiveness might lead to the agenda being urban. However, what develops competitiveness in rural areas is slightly different. We are not talking about large inward investments that bring in lots of jobs from elsewhere; we are talking about developing small businesses and bringing them together. It was felt that there might be a slight danger that the national policy agenda might not fit with the way in which economic development functions in rural areas.
Let us now move on to the second workshop. Once we have heard a report back from each of the workshops, we can move into a more general discussion. Mark Ballard, Frank McAveety and John Swinney participated in the second workshop. I understand that Mark Ballard is to report back.
As might be expected, because tourism is in many ways central to economic and rural development in Dumfries and Galloway, many of the points that were made in our workshop were similar to those that Elaine Murray has made.
Thank you. I do not know whether Frank McAveety or John Swinney want to add anything just now.
The group was quite positive about some issues. People have flagged up the connections between the different agencies and how decisions that are made at the national level impact and are managed locally.
I have two points to make that will contrast with Frank McAveety's positive tone. I accept that the discussion was positive, but two concerns about policy emerged. One is about the impact that changes in European funding will have on a range of projects. Parliament debated that last Wednesday during the debate on the European and External Relations Committee's report. There is a lot of concern about the impact on projects.
I invite any of the participants in workshop 2 to comment if there is a point that has not been made, has not been given quite the right stress from their point of view or which would assist the committee in its deliberations.
I am the area director for VisitScotland in Dumfries and Galloway. Between them, the three members have probably covered most of the points, but I want to emphasise the opportunities that exist in the area and focus on the contribution that the voluntary sector makes. A key issue that we must consider is how, in the new VisitScotland structure, we continue to support the voluntary sector, regardless of our commercial side, which we will obviously have to develop.
The one issue that concerns me a wee bit about the homecoming is the lead-in time that is necessary to make such events succeed. Frank McAveety will be aware that I was heavily involved in the year of architecture and design in Glasgow. The forward planning for it was done three years ahead of the event but, even so, we were pressed for time. I want the lead-in time for the homecoming to be used well and the work that is being done now to ensure that it is successful. If you do not get the planning done early enough, you are always chasing your tail to get the benefit from the event.
We can build on infrastructure that we already have for our events and festivals. Projects such as Burnsong are already under way.
Perhaps we can now move on to workshop 3, which was on transport. It involved me, Alasdair Morgan and Derek Brownlee. Derek volunteered to report back.
It was a useful session. It is interesting to hear how many common themes seem to have come out of the three groups, but perhaps that should not be too surprising.
I would like to make two extra points, one of which was raised slightly during our discussion. I want to emphasise how important transport is for all aspects of life in a region such as Dumfries and Galloway, especially considering the use of public or private transport to get to and from health facilities. With the elderly population in the area increasing both absolutely and proportionally, and with the increasing specialisation and centralisation of health services, transport to and from the place of treatment is a growing problem for a lot of people. For some parts of the region, we are talking about a round trip of 180 miles just to get to Dumfries and Galloway royal infirmary, which is far closer than hospitals in Edinburgh or Glasgow where many specialists are now located. There is a real issue about the availability of transport to enable people to make those journeys in a sensible way.
I extend the same invitation as I did previously: if a point has not been sufficiently articulated or any of the participants want to make an additional point, there is an opportunity to do that just now.
I am representing Dumfries and Galloway Chamber of Commerce, although my day job is managing director of the Crichton Development Company—I say that for a reason. We made a number of points about the success stories, and Derek Brownlee's summary was very good. For example, increased use of the Nith valley railway line for coal has underpinned and created investment in the line, which is welcome.
Are there any other points? One theme that I have picked up is a need to identify more clearly the most important strategic objectives. That perhaps follows on from the point that has just been made. There are lots of potential transport projects in the region, but there is perhaps a need to focus on one or two projects that are the most crucial for economic development and to link them with other objectives.
The argument is a good one. The southern access road is not only about relieving pressures in the town centre but about developing the Crichton campus.
The point relates to the situation in the Highlands and Islands. The issue at stake is partly about resource and access to resource. The Highlands and Islands have access to structural funds, for example, but they also have a strategic framework for taking forward development plans. It has not always been altogether successful, but the numbers show the marked improvement that has been made over the past 10 years. To some extent, there must be a link to a relatively clear strategy, a process of prioritisation and a local agency that is involved in that undertaking.
I hear exactly what you are saying, convener, but we have to be cautious that the south of Scotland does not fall into the trap that the Highlands have fallen into, which is the tendency to publicise false positives. Although the population of the Highlands is increasing marginally and unemployment is relatively low compared with the rest of Scotland, one has only to scratch the surface of the numbers to find some disturbing data. I refer to the markedly increasing demographic skew towards older people in the Highlands. When one analyses where former sixth years of schools such as Lochaber high school and Dunoon grammar school are now, one finds that we have exported our unemployment, as well as our best and brightest. The metropolitan region policy approach could further drag out the best and brightest.
As the convener said, the Finance Committee has moved around the country over the years. It is interesting to note the similarities between the issues people have brought before us. In Dumfries and Galloway, we often think that we always lose out to the Highlands and Islands, but when the committee met in Elgin, many of the issues that people told us about were not dissimilar to the issues for people in the south of Scotland.
There is definitely a need to learn from the success of the Highlands and Islands. Although I agree in part with what Elaine Murray says, I do not think that there is anyone in Elgin who is complaining about losing out to Dumfries and Galloway. That is the key issue.
It might be helpful to point out that Elgin is not in the Highlands.
It is in the far north.
It is in Grampian.
Let me intrude on this private grief about the geography of Scotland to make a general point about the feedback from the discussions. I am struck by the unease that all the groups expressed about Scottish Enterprise and its metropolitan strategy, which happens to coincide with the concern about the matter that exists in my constituency.
When I reported back, I probably did not mention enough the feeling, which was shared by some of the people around the table, that national targets are often inappropriate to local circumstances. That came up in Elgin, where it was felt that there is disconnection between the budget document with its figures in the millions and billions and local circumstances. There was a sense that communities do not have enough flexibility to tackle the issues they face and that however well meant national targets are, they do not have a strong enough relationship with local needs.
The point was made in our group that national targets on transport are either general and do not seem to be applicable here or are specific but relate only to other parts of the country. Dumfries and Galloway seems to lose out on both counts.
It is important that we follow up John Swinney's point about Scottish Enterprise. We all know about the problems it had with its expenditure last year, as a result of which it is having to cut back. I have no proof, but I fear that most of the cuts will be felt in local enterprise companies rather than at the centre.
There seem to be no more points that members want to pick up. I hope that we have managed to capture all the main issues that were raised in the workshop sessions. The discussion that we have just had will form part of the Official Report of the Finance Committee. In that way, the matters that have been raised will appear on the record. Over lunch, I hope to discuss with colleagues how we can raise some of these issues with the Minister for Finance and Public Service Reform, who will appear before us this afternoon to answer questions on the budget. I hope that the workshop participants feel that they have been listened to and that some of their points will be translated into questions that can be addressed today and on subsequent occasions when we probe the Executive's budget.
Meeting suspended.
On resuming—
Agenda item 2 concerns further formal consultation on the budget process. I welcome the Minister for Finance and Public Service Reform, Tom McCabe. With him are David Stewart, the head of the finance expenditure policy division, and John Nicholson, from the finance co-ordination division. Both are from the Scottish Executive Finance and Central Services Department.
I was involved in the session on economic and rural development—
I have just realised that I should have asked the minister to make an opening statement. I apologise, minister.
Thanks.
I am sure that we will return to several issues in your opening statement. However, as I said, we held useful workshops this morning and it might be useful for initial questioning to reflect some of the issues that people raised with us in the workshops.
I appreciate that some questions that arose from this morning's workshops do not necessarily fall principally within the minister's responsibility; they might be issues for some of his Executive colleagues.
I can be helpful only to a degree, partly because of what Elaine Murray mentioned at the start of her question—the detailed information is the responsibility of my portfolio colleagues.
I appreciate that you cannot offer an easy solution to the problem, but I ask you for assurances about the advantages that we have had. We accept the 45 per cent reduction in structural funds throughout Scotland; we also accept that our current position is better than when Scotland got absolutely nothing. Although we acknowledge that a lot of work has been done by colleagues in different legislatures to try to ensure that Scotland has a share of the funding, we still have concerns that the current arrangements might impinge more deleteriously on the south of Scotland than on certain other areas.
I do not disagree with anything that you said. We are committed to consulting as much as possible to try to make sure that we achieve the right shape for the application of future funds. We want to ensure that people feel that they have had maximum opportunity to have an input into the final shape of any programmes and to express their view about any opportunities that they feel are being missed.
I was in the group that discussed transport. Again, I realise that that is not your specific responsibility, but Dumfries and Galloway is a large area and there are significant distances between its local centres and between the area and the metropolis. There is limited access to private transport because it is an area of low wages, but there is also limited availability of public transport.
I am more than happy to do that. It is extremely important, from the Scottish Executive's perspective, that we say the same things to different people in different parts of Scotland. There is always a danger that people are given the impression that particular areas are favoured. We should be looking to grow the economy by putting in place the appropriate physical infrastructure and other infrastructure to benefit communities throughout Scotland. I would be concerned if there was a feeling in the south of Scotland that that is not happening and that greater emphasis is placed on other areas that are flagged up as the most challenged rural areas. My colleague the Minister for Transport would be equally concerned about that. I will make sure that he is aware of the concerns that were expressed to you this morning.
I, too, was in the group that discussed transport. It is fair to say that there was a consensus that, unless you sort out transport in Dumfries and Galloway, many of the other problems cannot be resolved. Transport is a key strategic issue for the area.
I expect people in any particular area to pursue specific transport projects that they regard as projects that will contribute to the economic development of the area. In addition, with regard to transport, we need to think about the wider impact of the infrastructure that is put in place. A piece of infrastructure might not immediately relate to a geographic area but it can bring benefits to that area and to many others too.
Is it perhaps the case that areas that have access to particular types of expertise—often embedded in organisations such as Highlands and Islands Enterprise or the big city councils, where there are specialist staff with good skills in developing infrastructure projects—are advantaged because they have the resources to develop projects to the point at which they can be brought to the table? Are areas that do not have such resources to build up and mount projects relatively disadvantaged, so that the available resource is not necessarily allocated totally on the basis of need but rather on the basis of which areas of the country have the resources to propose the best project, which is a different thing? Is that something that the Scottish Executive needs to examine? Ultimately, that approach will skew the allocation of projects to areas of Scotland that are already getting projects.
I suppose that you are suggesting that the people who can shout the loudest get the resources. Some people shout in a more acceptable fashion than others, but it is probably a rule in life that the people who can make the strongest case are the people who get the resources. It is undoubtedly the case that, given the public services that some of our larger urban areas have to operate and the population numbers that they oversee, they have a set of skills that can be used to expand their thinking and to consider projects that could give them the competitive advantages that other areas also seek.
A point was made in the morning workshop sessions about the number of funding sources that exist and about the fact that it is difficult to maximise them. Will your cross-cutting expenditure review improve the situation by reducing the number of sources to which areas have to apply?
I see a great case for streamlining the funding mechanisms that are currently in place. I have often said that I would like us to move further towards an outcome-focused approach that rationalises funding streams and spends less time asking people to work up complicated business cases for relatively small amounts of money. There is a great case for ending that level of complication if the sums that are sought are relatively small, but there is also a strong case for ensuring that the general public are getting the most that they can get for the expenditure, given that we are expending pretty substantial amounts of public money. We have to balance the equation. At the moment, we spend too much time trying to subdivide funding streams, and perhaps we spend too much time trying to monitor things in a way that is difficult to sustain.
How is that work being progressed within the Executive? A common refrain from the participants in this morning's tourism workshop was that there are numerous funding streams and that it is difficult for individual organisations, particularly those in the voluntary sector, to navigate them. It might help if people were informed about how the Executive is working to achieve a rationalised range of funding streams.
As you know, we are engaged in dialogue around public service reform. One of the things that we have said is that the process does not apply only to the delivery agents that deliver policy for us or to public sector organisations outwith the Scottish Executive; the Scottish Executive has to be an integral part of the process. We are therefore conducting an internal review of the number of funding streams and are examining ways in which funding streams could be collapsed together. We are spending a lot of time stressing the point to various parts of the Executive that it is important that we seriously consider how we operate and engage with other public service organisations if we are to maximise the opportunities that come from public service reform.
The final concern that was raised this morning related to the metropolitan agenda that is being pursued by Scottish Enterprise—I appreciate that that is not in your portfolio, but I hope that the Executive will reflect on this point. In this part of the world, there is a feeling that the increasing focus on city regions will have adverse consequences for areas that might be peripheral to that agenda. Has the Executive looked in any detail at such questions or put in place any initiatives that might address the concern that has been expressed?
We have said on many occasions that our cities are engines of economic growth. We want to ensure that our cities can compete with the best European cities. There are examples that show that we are making good progress in that regard. For example, Edinburgh and Glasgow are showing signs of standing out among some of the major European cities. However, it would be impossible for me to disagree with the conclusion that it would be a disaster if, in attempting to improve the performance of our cities and maximise the ways in which they can drive economic growth, we abandoned other parts of Scotland. That would be totally contradictory and inconceivable.
I think that we have dealt with a number of the issues that have arisen from the workshops this morning. If there are any outstanding issues, we can deal with them in correspondence. We should now turn our attention to the budget documents.
We have a useful breakdown of the additional £725 million and some of the factors that have driven that change. Could you sketch the allocation process in broad terms? How do you balance the priorities within that £725 million?
About £680 million of that money was allocated to portfolios during the spending review of 2004 and has been sitting there since. At the request of the committee, we have tried to add a narrative around the component parts on a year-on-year basis. Clearly, during any spending review, various portfolios make bids and do their best to justify those bids, a good example of which is the bid on waste. We set tough targets to try to improve our recycling performance and it seems to me that we are making substantial progress. The most recent report, from autumn 2005, showed that we had recycled 22 or 23 per cent of waste collected by local authorities, which is getting towards our target of recycling 25 per cent of such waste in 2006. We are making good progress towards our target for 2008, which is to recycle 30 per cent of that waste. Obviously, any portfolio can present a business case for increased investment in that area if it regards the target as worth while.
If roughly £600 million has been driven by the previous spending review, is your room for discretion pretty limited? Would there be more room for discretion if you decided to change some of your priorities?
I do not think that our discretion is limited. It was to everyone's advantage that we brought in a process so that, over a spending review period, we could allocate the budgets at the start and therefore allow people to plan with certainty.
Two thirds of the £725 million has gone to health. Obviously, health is a major spending portfolio, so it is inevitable that in any revision a significant proportion will move towards health. Was it a strategic decision to spend more on health? How much of the change was driven by other on-going projects? Of the £483 million increase, how much has gone to cover additional pay?
I do not have a precise figure. The £483 million was designed to improve the performance and aid the redesign of services within the health service. The figure reflects the priority that we afforded to health and we make no apologies for it. Not all the recipients of money from the Scottish budget were happy. The health service was quite happy, but not everyone was. However, we felt that there was a good case for making health a priority.
The amounts in the health budget for each of the three years of the spending review reflected the agreed pay deals following on from agenda for change. The pay deals were appropriately funded from within the total amounts.
It must be feasible to identify, if you were so minded, how much of the £483 million relates to pay.
The key phrase there was "if you were so minded". I could not necessarily drill down into the figure today, but I am sure that, if we decided to spend taxpayers' money on setting somebody that task, we could come up with an answer.
It would be useful to know the answer. I would not expect you, minister, to be able to tell me today the proportion that goes on pay, but it seems to me that you ought to be able to ascertain the figure pretty readily.
At the start of the spending review process, we set a range of targets. The £483 million makes its annual contribution to the achievement of those targets.
So there are no specific targets to help us identify whether the £483 million is, of itself, contributing. It is in with a larger pot.
No, targets were set when the overall expenditure over the spending review period was announced. The expenditure is allocated annually, and this year's proportion is the allocation for 2007-08.
Since 2003, we have had a significant settlement for general practitioners and primary care and a significant refunding package for hospital doctors. You have said that you are interested in the outcomes from the resources that are being expended. Is it possible to ask the Minister for Health and Community Care for an assessment of what we are getting for the additional money? I remember the first financial memorandum that the committee looked at in 2003, when there was uncertainty about what the funding package meant and how much cash would be involved. Two years on from implementation of the agreement, it should be possible to identify how much it has cost across Scotland and the timetable for the delivery of the increased outputs and outcomes that were promised. Could you take that up with your ministerial colleague?
Yes, I can certainly pass on that request. From my previous experience, I know that there will be information. For instance, certain remuneration for general practitioners comes from the awarding of quality customer care points. A number of aspects should be measurable, given the amount of money that has been allocated against the points that are generated. There must be an on-going analysis, and I can put the question to the minister and see what information is available.
I am concerned that £483 million out of £725 million is a huge share of the total growth. There is a question about how long that scale of growth can be sustained in the longer term. Also, ministers may have different spending priorities in the future, so I am interested in the extent to which we are locked into the growth in public expenditure being pushed in the direction of health. Is it just that we are going through a period of significant uplift because of salary issues, service changes or demographics? Are there any figures that look two or three years ahead to show what increases will be required as a result of either known financial commitments from pay deals and so on or long-term trends in care? That would be useful to us in the context of the spending review; I presume that the Executive is already engaged in such work.
There are a number of reasons for the emphasis on health across the spending review, and you rightly alluded to some of them. You missed one or two, including previous neglect, and the health service requiring substantial investment.
I am not convinced that the people of Jedburgh or Coldstream would entirely agree with you on that point.
Many things contribute to growing the economy, such as a successful and responsive health service. At the risk of sounding facetious, it might help a country with demographic challenges if we keep people alive a bit longer. There are some areas of the country where the average life expectancy for males is 63 years. A health service that is focused not only on treating diseases, but on preventing them, will produce economic benefits for the country. That is just one example; examples of investments that will contribute to our economic development are laced all the way through the budget document.
The draft budget refers to the importance of health in the growth of the economy. The main direct contributor to growth is employment, but you were unable to tell me how much of the health budget increase will be used for the pay element. The other contributor is improved productivity, but you did not seem to be able to explain what would drive improvements in performance and productivity. I understand your general point, but where is the specific evidence that something is going on beyond the mere spending of money to achieve a quite different objective?
I do not really understand the link that you make between employment and pay—the suggestion that the fact that we could not give you figures on pay in the national health service was somehow linked to not being able to explain how we are growing our economy or affecting our employment levels.
Of course, statistics other than those on unemployment exist, such as those on the proportion of people who receive disability living allowance and incapacity benefit, which might also be relevant.
Within the different actions and budgets in the documents, bodies set internal targets. Scottish Enterprise sets several targets, as do other bodies. Other factors have an impact on the economy, such as the macroeconomic situation. Thankfully, the stable macroeconomic situation in the past few years has made a positive contribution.
Perhaps I was a little too subtle. I was trying to suggest that you could measure economic growth without setting a target for it. You could measure the contribution that was being made without targeting a 2 per cent rate rather than a 3 per cent rate. However, rather than getting wound up about that, we should move on.
I am not quite sure about that. Will you repeat your point? We have an autumn budget revision coming up, which we will discuss in a few minutes.
I was simply trying to work out whether the figures that were presented to us on 4 October had changed materially or whether we could use them as a starting point.
The figures can be used as a starting point, but with the caveat that we are discussing a draft budget, which was presented initially in the first week of September—about six months before the start of the financial year. It would be strange if the document did not evolve.
I was not seeking to challenge the figures; I just wanted to be clear that they were still what we thought they were.
Yes.
Where is the rigour in that process?
We have said that we would draw down money, but the situation is not set—elements may change and evolve. There is rigour in the process—I have no doubt whatever about that. Why do you think that the process is not rigorous?
More than £440 million of the £780 million covers such things as
Let us consider what have been described as potential draw-downs from the CUP. There can be a range of reasons for delaying capital expenditure. If it had been up to the Executive, cars would be rolling along the M74 extension at the moment. Although people have intervened, cars will eventually roll along it. We are not in complete control of that process, so it is difficult to say that we should be rigorous in it. There is also a substantial building programme in the education sector, which might be delayed if heavy snow falls this winter. Therefore, it is impossible to be precise about what the exact pattern of that expenditure will be.
Obviously, we are talking about a large sum of money. Last week, we considered evidence from the permanent secretary to the Scottish Executive. We were told that the Executive was unable to tell us how much money had been spent on any of the legislation that it has introduced since 1999. There seems to be an awful lot of vagueness around and a lack of detail on a significant amount of taxpayers' money, whether in the budget or in what we considered last week. The rigour that we might expect does not seem to exist, which strikes me as unusual. Do you agree with the permanent secretary? Should we not be able to identify how much each piece of legislation has cost the taxpayer?
When we were at school, we sometimes saw the world in black-and-white terms, but in the real world, we find that things are seldom as black and white as we thought they were. I have tried to explain why a precise pattern of expenditure cannot be given, particularly with regard to the draw-down from the CUP, and that there can be delays in major capital projects. I have done enough to try to make my point.
I left school some time ago and have some experience of financial matters.
At school?
Subsequent to school, Mr McCabe. I would like a clear answer. Is it acceptable that the Government cannot tell us how much taxpayers' money has been spent as a result of the legislation that has been introduced? Is that a sign of a Government that has a handle on taxpayers' money and is delivering value for money?
There are more than enough signs that the Government is delivering value for money, that the investments that it has made and the legislation that the Parliament has passed—the Executive is not solely responsible for passing legislation; the Parliament must vote it through—are improving life in Scotland, and that the expenditure has been appropriate. People will always try to diminish those achievements, but I am confident that the case that our legislation and expenditure are improving this country's economic well-being is sound.
So it does not worry you that you cannot tell us how much any of the legislation that has been passed has cost the taxpayer.
All bills are accompanied by a financial memorandum, but those documents are not designed to give the costs of bills ad infinitum.
Or indeed what the costs will be at any point afterwards.
Mr Brownlee asked Mr McCabe about his letter of 4 October, which included the table entitled "Proposed drawdown from HM Treasury in 2006-07 & 2007-08". The table gives a total figure of £350 million in 2006-07 and specifies in a fair amount of detail how £212 million of that will be spent, in a series of project lines, which are followed by a more general figure of £138 million. The table replicates that format for 2007-08, for which the general figure is £309 million. If it was possible to specify expenditure of £212 million on individual programmes in 2006-07, why did you not provide a similar breakdown for the £138 million in 2006-07 and the £309 million in 2007-08?
One explanation is that what you call the general figures include money in the central unallocated provision. We do not specify every project that is included in the figures, because that might be commercially sensitive information. We try to give as much indication as possible, but we will not impinge on negotiations that might need to take place by being overly explicit about what is contained in the figures.
Are you saying that projects that might involve commercially sensitive matters account for all the £138 million in 2006-07 and all the £309 million in 2007-08?
No, I did not say that, but such projects could account for a substantial proportion of those figures.
Can you tell us what proportion of the figure for each financial year falls into that category?
I do not have that information to hand.
May we have that information? If it is possible to provide a financial breakdown for £212 million out of a total of £350 million in 2006-07 and for £121 million out of a total of £430 million in 2007-08, the committee would like a further breakdown, so that we have as much detail as possible. I accept that some projects are commercially sensitive, but I think that a line in the table that told us that such projects would account for £80 million, for example, would be acceptable to the committee. You anticipate spending pressures of £138 million in 2006-07 and £309 million in 2007-08, but your failure to specify how those figures might alter budgets generates a lack of clarity in the material that you have supplied to the committee.
We do our best to improve information if doing so is helpful to the committee. I do not know to what extent I will be able to do so in this context, but I will investigate the matter. The figures reflect not just projects that might be subject to negotiation but a range of transactions, perhaps including underspends that have emerged. There is a rolling programme, which can be difficult to define, but we will do our best.
As I understand it, the table shows the money that the Executive proposes to draw down from the Treasury. You have provided adequate and helpful detail at the top of the table, but I am interested in getting as much detail as possible about the total figures of £350 million in 2006-07 and £430 million in 2007-08.
It includes provision for expenditure that might emerge, but no specific amount is bagged for local government.
Finally, what is the total amount of money that is held on behalf of the Executive at HM Treasury?
It is £1.4 billion.
I have a couple of questions on the figures on which you can give us information. Does the allocation for Scottish Enterprise capital charges deal with the problem of Scottish Enterprise having no money in its resource accounting and budgeting allocation? Is that a mechanism for sorting out the problem in advance of the spending review, at which time it can be dealt with more systematically?
Yes.
That is useful to know.
I cannot give you that figure at the moment. I will get it for you.
I think that it is £38 million.
So that may be the figure for 2007-08.
We will confirm that to the committee.
That would be useful. Obviously, it is good news for the south of Scotland.
I seek clarification on the additional funding for tourism, culture and sport, although the portfolio minister may have to clarify the point. On page 14 of the document tabulating the increases in spending, I note that the increase for 2007-08 is £12 million and that the £20 million for the Cultural Commission is offset by other reallocations. The explanation seems to suggest that some of the offset comes from the removal of
Which page 9?
It is your letter of 4 October, but I am not sure whether we have the same numbering as you have. We discussed the table earlier.
I see it now. I am sorry.
The table on page 9 shows the entire £20 million being drawn down. I am not sure how to reconcile that with the other table, which suggests that £8 million of the funding for the Cultural Commission is being found from within the portfolio.
The document is giving you the net addition. It is saying that £20 million is going in but that other reductions are being made within the portfolio. We are indicating a net addition.
I may be being rather simple-minded but, if £20 million is being drawn down from the Treasury for the Cultural Commission in 2007-08, and not all of the money is going into tourism, culture and sport, what is happening to the rest of the money? It may be small beer in terms of the overall budget, but it seems that £8 million of the money that is being drawn down from the Treasury is not going to that budget.
That is maybe an issue of reconciliation.
Yes. Perhaps the portfolio minister can explain it.
We will get the committee clarification on that. The question is a detailed one.
In the "Draft Budget 2007-08: Final Report on Spending Review 2002 Targets", the four key challenges of the partnership agreement are shown—growing the economy; delivering excellent public services; building stronger, safer communities; and revitalising our democratic frameworks. In your foreword to the "Draft Budget 2007-08", you set out five key priority areas—growing the economy; reforming criminal justice and promoting respect; improving the nation's health; improving educational attainment; and safeguarding the environment. Later in that document, you report on progress towards the cross-cutting themes. There were three of those, but there are now four—growing the economy, closing the opportunity gap, promoting equality and sustainable development. Growing the economy is common to the four challenges, the five priority areas and the four cross-cutting themes. Are you confident that, within those challenges, priority areas and cross-cutting themes, you have a coherent set of priorities to drive the budget?
The short answer is yes. We have a coherent set of priorities to drive the budget and to achieve the aims that we set out in the partnership agreement at the start of our Administration.
Do you not have any concern that the key challenges, key priority areas and cross-cutting themes are so different and include different elements?
No. At different stages of the document, we clearly express the things that we regard as necessary to achieve our overall objectives. I do not see any contradiction between them.
Which are the overall objectives? Are they the key challenges, the key priority areas or the cross-cutting themes?
They all relate to one another. If we set six targets, there could be 60 challenges in achieving them. We have identified some of the challenges that are involved in achieving the targets that we set.
But, for example, revitalising our democratic framework does not appear as one of your key priority areas or as a cross-cutting theme. The environment appears as a key priority but not as a key challenge. Does it not concern you that there are such differences between the different frameworks that you set out in the budget documents?
In short, no. It does not concern me at all.
Well, I find it concerning.
As I said earlier, the budget reflects the priorities that were set and the portfolio allocations that were made in the spending review 2004. The budget simply allocates on an annual basis the amount of money that was flagged up at the time of SR 2004.
Derek Brownlee mentioned the £483 million increase in the health budget, which is part of the total of £725 million of extra money. When you considered how the additional £725 million should be divided up, did you consider the cross-cutting themes as part of the process? In particular, did that lead you to spend such a high proportion of the £725 million—that is, £483 million—on the health budget?
The short answer is yes.
Growing the Scottish economy is your top priority. Is spending such a high proportion of the increase on health the best way to grow the Scottish economy?
I would not say that it is the best way to grow the Scottish economy. I concede that our number 1 priority, which we have stated on too many occasions to count, is growing the Scottish economy, but we have also said that our health service requires significant investment and that we are determined to meet the major health challenges, including the three killer diseases that have a particular impact on people throughout Scotland. By doing so, we will enable our health service to make a significant impact on our economic growth and quality of life.
My concern is that, having identified growing the economy as the key priority in this web of challenges, priorities and cross-cutting themes, you do not appear to have made growing the economy your key priority when you came to allocate the £725 million. The health challenges were identified as the key priority.
With respect, I think that we are getting into a rather circular debate. In my view, which may not be the minister's view, saying that something is the top priority does not necessarily mean that most of the budget should be spent on it. Given the Scottish Executive's responsibilities, health will always be the biggest area of expenditure in the budget. The argument that there should be a read across does not apply.
With respect, convener, we are talking not about total expenditure but about the increase in expenditure. As the briefing from the Scottish Parliament information centre makes clear, the health portfolio receives not only the biggest absolute increase but an increase of 5.1 per cent. In percentage terms, only two other portfolios have been given increases that are significantly above the average across-the-board increase of 2.4 per cent. That is why I am asking about the Executive's priorities.
That is a fair point, but Derek Brownlee has already asked those questions. I think that we are getting stuck on the same issue.
Let me move on to the targets—
It might be helpful to draw the committee's attention to the "Economic Impact of the Scottish Budget" report, which the Finance Committee commissioned from Experian. The report acknowledges that
Does the minister accept all the findings of the Experian report?
No, I accept the bits that suit me.
That says it all.
In that, I am just like Mr Mather. He does that with most reports that pronounce about such matters.
Mr Mather has broader shoulders.
Moving on, I want to ask about the final report on the spending review 2002 targets. In the document, many of the targets are described as "replaced". I was particularly struck by some of the replaced targets. For example, the original target 3 for the education and young people portfolio was:
Which document is that?
The name of the document is "Draft Budget 2007-08: Final Report on Spending Review 2002 Targets".
I did not realise that we had moved on to the 2002 targets document.
It is fine to deal with the targets document. The document that we have not moved on to is the budget revision.
I had thought that we would deal with the issues in three stages, but that is fine.
The original spending review 2002 target was to increase the number of children in Gaelic-medium education by 5 per cent each year on the 2003 figures. However, that target was replaced and became:
We have learned lessons and there is evidence is that we are making progress and the number of children in Gaelic-medium education is increasing. We continue to invest in the area.
There is a general trend in the report of describing targets that were not met as "replaced". On page 25, for example, you say that the target to
The fact that we say that the target has been replaced does not concern me—it has been replaced. We are quite happy to say that the original target was aspirational and too ambitious, given the current circumstances in society. We have therefore tried to refocus the target in a way that gives us a greater chance of achieving it. As is the case in every country in the western world, we face increasing challenges to do with people's levels of physical activity. We are doing our best to reverse the trend and get Scotland into a better position, which is a substantial task.
In the interests of transparency, should the budget documents not say that the ambitious targets that you had set were not met?
I do not agree with you and I think that you are dancing on the head of a pin. By saying that a target has been replaced, we indicate that we remain committed to the objective, we think that it is necessary and we are determined to continue to drive it through.
We move on to local government.
The committee has had a number of discussions about the settlement for 2007-08, which I think that most folk accept is very tight. In early February, the minister said that he would be willing to reconsider the settlement, depending on how local authorities responded to the efficient government initiative. What is the current situation?
We continue to discuss the situation with local government representatives—I say that against a background of, on one hand, believing that the committee encourages such activity but, on the other, having been accused of offering a bribe. My job as Minister for Finance and Public Service Reform is to cut through all that and continue to discuss the matter with local government, to try to ensure that if there is additional investment there will be an adequate return for the Scottish taxpayer. The discussions are very positive.
Local authorities are probably undertaking the early stages of their budget process with conveners and senior administrators. Are you close to reaching an understanding? Will negotiations be concluded in the next month or two, or will they continue for a long period before March?
There will not be a long period of negotiation. We normally announce the draft settlement in early December and I anticipate that that will happen this year. When I make the announcement, I will reflect on progress that has been made—if no progress has been made, I will say so. We are always conscious that we need to bring matters to a head as soon as possible. That is why we announce a draft in December. We then consult local government and allow it to comment on the contents of the announced provisional distribution, which is then usually confirmed sometime in early February.
I know that it is difficult to make specific comment, but press reports have indicated that £100 million could be found through the process. Are we close to any of the figures reported? I see those as incentivised opportunities for local government rather than bribes. How close are we to those figures?
I do not think we should draw any conclusions about our budgetary process from the speculative information contained in press reports. You might want to spend some time analysing the motivation behind those press reports, but whether that is useful or not is another matter.
Do you expect the local authority leaders to apply the savings that are generated from greater efficiency to keeping council tax levels relatively stable? I say that because I am in a city that, since the emergence of the new Government in 1997 and the Executive in 1999, has managed to keep council tax increases down. That is certainly a great benefit to those who were previously suffering increases of 10 per cent, 15 per cent or 20 per cent. Is any sense of reality permeating your discussions with local authority leaders about ensuring that much of the savings can be used for keeping down council tax?
Because of the first-class performance of local government, it is recognised that the local population highly desires stability in the levels of local taxes. Last year, increasing recognition was given to the fact that we delivered the lowest average council tax increases since devolution. That was a compliment to local government, although clearly some people misrepresented the position. My strong aim is to continue that trend.
That was my final point. You will want to get a strong message out that you want to continue that process.
Absolutely.
I have one question on the local authority settlement. In your discussions with council leaders, are you talking about the massive increase in the demand-led services, such as the social work service? Are you insisting on the councils not putting too much downwards pressure on their non-statutory obligations? It is the non-statutory services that get pushed out of existence in any squeeze on local government spending.
I hope that the committee will understand that it would be wrong of me to go into too much detail about the private discussions that are being held at the moment. Obviously I do not want to impinge on anything that might emerge from those discussions. However, I think that I am happy to say that I have stressed the view, which seems to have been accepted by our local government colleagues, that we need to introduce far more certainty into the existing and projected costs of care services in Scotland, whatever form those services take. We have discussed here and in other places the substantial demographic pressures under which we will come and how the nature of demand on those services will change. I also think that the volume of those services will change. It is therefore important that we try to get a lot more certainty about the cost of those services and that we examine seriously the best practice involved in delivering them, to ensure that we are not expending money unnecessarily in one area of the country if another method of service delivery could produce more satisfactory results with less expenditure.
I would like to ask about funding for local government outside aggregate external finance. I know that issues have arisen in relation to what is being recorded and whether it is consistent on a like-for-like basis. Can you clarify the issues in relation to the comparability of information from one year to the next and the degree of inclusiveness of table 7.03?
First, as I said, we are dealing with a draft budget document that is produced pretty early in the process, and none of us should expect completeness in the figures. By the same token, I sometimes think that the more the people who comment on such things talk, the more they should be able to understand the context in which figures are presented. I do not say that to score any points, but when we speculate about what could look at face value like significant changes in the level of funding for certain services, it can cause a lot of anxiety, not just among professionals but among people who put their children forward to receive those services. Examples of that were discussed extensively in the press a few weeks ago. It is extremely unfortunate when such anxiety is generated unnecessarily.
It would be useful to footnote the information in future, so that we can be clear about which numbers are in the document and which are not, and so that, where there is a shift from grant funding to core funding, it is identified appropriately.
There are a number of points to make. First, as I have said to you before, the Executive has never received a formal approach for additional finance in this area. Our strong view is that substantial amounts of money were added to the local government budget year on year in the years after agreements were signed, when people should have been making provision—and there is evidence that people were making provision. If you look at the balances, which grew considerably, you will see that some of them were earmarked for agreements, so people were making provision over those years and money was made available to enable them to do so.
How can you resolve a situation in which there has been active negotiation for some time between a local authority, trade unions and individual members but, at the end of the process, it has been recommended that an offer be rejected? It strikes me that there is a real danger of public finances being exposed to risk, especially if a local authority reaches an equal pay settlement, for example, but does not have a single status agreement. The merry-go-round will just start again, with the risk to public finances, if the two settlements are not reached at around the same time.
I have always been of the view that there is a direct connection between the two. I am not entirely sure how an equal pay settlement could be signed off without a single status agreement being negotiated, as the clock would start ticking again. However, the trade unions and local government wrestle with such issues every day and, sadly, they are not making the progress that we would have wished for. It seems to me that, if the trade unions strongly recommend that their members do not accept an offer, the likelihood is that their members will not accept it.
It may be revealing to look at the issue in the context of a risk management approach. What will happen if the situation is not resolved in the next few months? We have talked about the possibility of a second round of equal pay pay-offs. I presume that there would also be increased uncertainty in industrial relations arising from the failure to reach an agreement on single status. I suspect that, in some local authorities, there would also be a bottom-line risk in terms of their financial exposure, which I presume you believe the Executive cannot be expected to cover. Is there not a case for Audit Scotland or other bodies, rather than you, setting parameters for local authorities to ensure that they operate within a reasonable risk-management framework?
As you know, convener, Audit Scotland is an independent body. It would be remiss of me to tell it how to do its work. I am sure that it will take cognisance of what you have said, and it may even be considering something along those lines. However, it would be improper of me to suggest that.
Let us move on to efficiency savings. The Executive has reported that it has made a total of £441 million in cash and time efficiency savings. On previous occasions, I have asked whether that is net of the cost of achieving those savings. I repeat the question: is that net of the cost of achieving those savings?
No.
How much is that saving of £90 per head of the Scottish population going to reduce by the time we get to a net figure?
I obviously do not know that.
It would be wrong to call it an efficiency saving if that is a gross figure and nobody knows what the cost of the savings might be.
If I wanted to be pedantic, Mr Mather, I could say that, since nobody knows, we can say that there is no cost to those savings. However, that would not be helpful.
So it could be zero or it could be £100.
We could cite those two extremes, but I do not know where that would get us. Undoubtedly, the savings have been generated and we are ahead of the target that we set ourselves. We will continue to try to exceed the targets that we have set.
Okay. So we have gross savings of £441 million but we do not know what the net figure is. Do you have any indication of the difference that that has made to front-line services?
There are examples, yes. Local government has provided examples of savings being recycled into front-line services.
Forgive me, minister, but when the figure is gross and we do not know what the net figure is, it is difficult to apply the term "savings" to it.
I understand that Audit Scotland will publish its report on the matter in the reasonably near future.
Will it include baseline data?
It is not for me to answer for Audit Scotland. As I said a moment ago, it is an independent body. It intends to produce a report, and I am sure that it will make the report as robust as it can.
If anybody in the private sector claimed to shareholders or the board that they had delivered £441 million in savings, either they would want to see that dropping straight to the bottom line as moneys that could be put to dividends, banked or reinvested, or they would want to see some tangible evidence of mammoth increased customer satisfaction. It seems to me that we are being presented with neither.
I disagree. There are people in the public sector who have worked very hard not only to meet but to exceed the target that we set. What you have just said seems to pay less than proper regard to the efforts that people in the public sector have made to meet the target.
No. The programme is admirable in its aspiration. What I am saying is that, if we are going to spend large amounts of Government effort, civil servant effort and public sector effort in other areas to meet the Executive's targets, everyone deserves some certainty. We should have the gross figure and the cost of savings, hence the net figure. We should also have baseline figures saying what we were getting before we started the programme and baseline figures saying what we are getting after it. Furthermore, those baseline figures should show an advance—the difference between them should be positive. In the absence of that, I must say—as I have said from the start—that the savings will be what the minister says they are. That is damaging to the morale of taxpayers and public service workers, who are trying to deliver greater efficiency.
I do not think that we are damaging people's morale. At the public service reform dialogue events that we hold, I encounter strong enthusiasm for any approach that makes public services more efficient and effective, because the people whom I encounter in the public services are highly committed and very interested in what they do. People in local government are proud of the savings that they have managed to effect and would take exception to the suggestion that they are anything less than real savings.
I am loth to contradict you, but when we last discussed the matter in detail Colin Mair was giving evidence. The meeting was reported quite eloquently a couple of days later by Peter McMahon in The Scotsman. Colin Mair missed pretty much every key criterion. He was not able to convince us that he was including all stakeholders in the process or that he had the process under accounting and statistical control. The net effect was that, after seeing his evidence reported in The Scotsman, a number of civil service staff contacted me to suggest that they wanted that level of certainty. People want to be able to be measured properly. In the absence of a proper set-up that indicates what gross costs, net costs, net savings and baselines before and after improvements are, across a range of measures, this is a worthless exercise that is just rhetoric and risks damaging morale.
If I understand you correctly, you are saying that there is no value in the Improvement Service report on local government efficiency savings.
I am sure that many good-hearted people are doing their best to achieve savings. A major disservice is being done to them by the fact that we cannot report net savings and baselines on before and after improvements.
Do you believe the report? Do you think that local government has generated the savings to which it refers?
I believe that savings have been generated, but how can I believe the report when it does not meet the criteria that I have set out? You tell me that £441 million is the gross figure, and I accept your word on that, but you cannot tell me the net figure. In the absence of the net figure, the savings are not worth £441 million.
I want to be clear about the fact that you do not believe the Improvement Service's report. You just asked how you could believe it.
I am willing to believe that people claim that gross savings of £441 million have been made, but I am looking for the net savings, and there is no net figure on which I can hang my hat. Worse than that, there are no baseline data that show any improvement over time.
Perhaps you do not intend to answer the question.
There are enough questions that you do not answer.
If you are not prepared to indicate that you do not believe the report, will you at least say that you are highly sceptical of it?
I am highly sceptical on the issue of the net output. How can I be otherwise when you are asking me to fly blind and to join a Government that seems to be willing to do so?
Thank you for that clarification—it is much appreciated.
As members have no further questions on the budget process 2007-08, I thank the minister for his evidence.