For agenda item 5, which is on hepatitis C, the minister will be joined by officials. Andrew Macleod and Sandra Falconer are from the health planning and quality division of the Scottish Executive Health Department.
The officials may correct me, but I understand that the Irish inquiry was a judicial one. I do not think that I said anything incorrect during the previous Health Committee meeting in which the issue was discussed. I am happy to preface my remarks by saying that I am not an expert on the Irish situation. It is interesting to compare what happened here with what happened in Ireland, but we have to make decisions that are based on what we think is right for Scotland. However, as the matter has been raised, I point out that I believe that what I said was true. The judicial inquiry in Ireland used the words "wrongful acts", which is what I referred to in the previous committee meeting. That does not contradict what somebody else said subsequently.
So the Irish had a judicial inquiry.
Yes, as far as I know. My officials might want to give a little more detail.
We had an internal inquiry, which is obviously different from a judicial inquiry in which witnesses are heard and other issues are developed. The Irish did not have an internal, in-house inquiry.
I am sorry; I do not have that information.
That is fine.
One of my officials may have it. Andrew Macleod can say something on the matter.
I simply want to make clear the basis of the comparison of one arrangement with the other. There may be a perfectly legitimate reason for the differences, but I do not know what the remits of the two inquiries were.
The circumstances in Ireland and Scotland were different. In the incidents that took place in Ireland, it was clear that the blood service had followed practices that should not have been followed and which allowed the hepatitis C virus to spread into the blood supply. Those incidents led to the establishment in Ireland of a judicial inquiry.
I see. People might wonder why I am getting tendentious about the issue, but it is because of the difference between the two inquiries. The inquiry in Ireland was based on a statement that there was legal liability, whereas the inquiry in Scotland was based on a statement that there was not. I wonder how those two statements came to be. You are telling me that there was no prima facie evidence of wrongdoing in Scotland, but am I not correct in deducing that the remit of the inquiry in Scotland did not go down that road in any detail? I may be wrong about that; I simply ask the question.
The remit of the inquiry in Scotland was different because the circumstances in Scotland were different.
The Scottish inquiry did not go down that route because of the circumstances.
In Ireland, there was an incident, as it were, around anti-D, blood transfusions and plasma. In that case, it was fairly clear that the Irish National Blood Transfusion Service had been following practices that it should not have followed. I think that there has not been that kind of prima facie evidence in Scotland. Clearly, there is controversy and debate around the practices that the SNBTS followed. However, a different set of issues and a different debate applied in Scotland.
Okay. I am not sure where I have got with that one. Does another member want to come in?
I understand what you are saying about the different focus that was taken in the two inquiries. My question is for the minister. With hindsight, do you now appreciate that, to those who are affected, the Health Department inquiry looked very much like the police policing the police? Would it not have been better for the initial inquiry to have been far more open and transparent? The other criticism of the initial inquiry was that its focus was far too narrow. Would it not have been better if the inquiry had looked at a wider range of issues? If the issues had been examined in an open and transparent manner, would that not have avoided or eliminated some of the concerns that are still around today?
The inquiry was held before my time, so I was not directly involved in how it was set up. The evidence that is presented in the report is open for all to see. People can read the report and question it, as they feel appropriate. From reading the report and from the other evidence that I have looked at, I would say that it does not appear that blame attaches to the Scottish National Blood Transfusion Service. When the Health and Community Care Committee undertook its report, it did not raise that issue specifically. I am not saying that the committee looked into the matter in detail, but it did not say that that was the route that we wanted to go down in Scotland.
Was the medical evidence made public during the in-house inquiry? I do not think that it was.
It was; all the references that were mentioned in the report were made available.
Why were representatives of those who contracted the disease omitted from the inquiry?
As I said, I was not involved in the inquiry, so I do not think that I am in a position to answer that question.
The remit of the initial investigation was set by an approach from the Haemophilia Society about an area that it wanted to be investigated.
Who attends the management meetings of the Skipton fund, and is there a reason for the minutes of those meetings not being in the public domain?
You are pre-empting a whole string of written questions that I have lodged.
I am sorry for beating you to it.
One of my officials will answer the question in more detail. The reality about the Skipton fund is that there has been engagement with patients groups on the issues. The fundamental reason for delay is that, at one of the meetings, patients raised points about the forms; they wanted those points to be addressed, and another meeting is coming up soon to deal with that. Officials from the Health Department are involved in the meetings; in fact, one of the officials who usually comes to the Health Committee is not here today because he is in London at a meeting with officials from the Department of Health. There is UK collaboration on the matter.
The scheme that is being established is a joint scheme of the UK Government and the devolved Administrations. The meetings that are taking place to establish the terms and framework for the Skipton fund involve the four Administrations and, at least at some meetings, patients' representatives and the Skipton fund itself. In effect, the policy parameters and frameworks for the operation of the fund are being set, along with the specific application processes.
You said that you are setting the parameters for how the fund will work. When will that work be brought back and shown to the committee? The previous committee did a lot of work on the issue, and Parliament has debated the issue. Parliament has a right to compare the terms that seem to be evolving from the working group with what it agreed to.
At the meetings, aspects such as the forms are being considered at a high level of detail. I repeat that the people who are involved have taken on board the comments that have been made by patients groups—that seems to be a correct and admirable thing to do.
It would be helpful if the committee knew the details of the parameters that are being agreed, so that we could compare them with what was discussed in Scotland and agreed by the Parliament.
The terms of the scheme, the payments and the criteria are those that the Minister for Health and Community Care announced last year. The UK Department of Health announced in August last year that it would extend a similar scheme to England; the other devolved Administrations also made that decision.
If there is a commonality of view and the four Administrations are working on a uniform basis, should there be—for the sake of argument—a successful legal challenge in England, would that apply automatically in Scotland?
We are talking hypothetically. Since it is a UK scheme, you can presume that we would want to keep together on it. I am not currently aware of any legal challenges.
Heaven forfend that we should give legal advice, but is it not the case that if a decision is taken in England it is very persuasive, but not binding, in Scotland?
Obviously a decision would not be binding, but since it is a UK scheme I am suggesting that we would probably want to stick together on it. That is my point; I am not making a legal point. I would not presume to make a legal point in front of the convener.
This is all very interesting. If there had been a legal solution to the matter, the committee would not have had to do as much work as it did to ensure that people would get some compensation. The report in the Sunday Herald about a statement by an Irish civil servant has prompted a half-hour debate in the committee with the minister and goodness knows what. That is all very well and some people may be particularly interested in that issue for their own purposes, but the constituents whom I meet are concerned about the time that it is taking for some compensation to be handed out. I hope that all the diversions about what has been reported in the Sunday Herald and what has been said in Ireland or wherever have not reduced the minister's focus on the issue.
I agree entirely, but I do not see evidence that anybody is deliberately trying to delay the process; people are genuinely trying to get the detail of the scheme right.
I remind my colleague that I asked the question at First Minister's question time. I am sure that the minister can handle queries about the niceties, which are still relevant, in relation to the basis upon which decisions will be made and address issues on the substantive procedures and processes. I am glad to hear that the work on the forms is accelerating after all this time.
Sorry—I do not have that level of knowledge about legal aid, but we will write to you on the matter.
That concludes the evidence session. Thank you very much, minister.
Meeting continued in private until 17:36.