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In 2015, a Sunday Post investigation found that at least five clubs in Scotland’s top two divisions were not paying the national minimum wage of £2.73 an hour, which was shocking.
In the previous evidence session, we heard about many of the problems, drawbacks and alternatives in relation to what is being proposed. On top of that, bodies such as NFU Scotland have voiced their concern about the lack of a process for consultation, particularly given the risk to trade from policy divergence.
Let us not forget that the proposal would substitute the decision of 15 people from normal society with that of a jury of one, who will often be male, one of society’s top earners, from a particular educational background and of a certain age.
We have good evidence that we need, from the bottom up, changes that engage people through person-centred behaviour change, and that we need changes from the top, in legislation. When we talk about social activity, the same thing applies.
Schools do a lot of good work, but, as we engage in dialogue around human rights and their impact on everyone, it is as though there is a dual role to play, with stakeholders doing the top-down work and schools doing the bottom-up work.
For any children involved, the prospect of having to flee their home, on top of the stress of having their family life disrupted, would surely have an adverse effect on their mental health.
The ethical basis for the bill was based on circuses being the top public concern, but no consultation or polling was conducted to understand the public’s view on greyhound racing, for example; yet those and many other types of animal performances raise ethical and welfare questions of varying degrees that need to be addressed.
There would then be the objective test of likelihood of harm and, on top of that, the mens rea. Even after all that, the prosecutor would apply the public interest test, and there is no public interest in prosecuting non-abusive behaviour.
Councils have sat down in their family groups, which comprise authorities that are broadly like each other and which have chosen to see themselves as similar—we do not compare Glasgow City Council with Angus Council, for example—and have said that if they all delivered library services in the same way as even the average council did, they could save about 10 per cent on the cost of the service. That would come on top...