:Thank you.

Good morning. When considering medium-term financial planning, how does the Scottish Government take account of the possibility that inflation might differ from the forecasts and of the impact that that might have on social security spending?

You have already covered some aspects of this, but it would be good to get a flavour of what improvements are needed to the administration of funeral support payment. You have all mentioned the difficulties and complexities in that regard and you will all have had experiences, good and bad, to do with the timescales and other aspects of the process. Given the discussion that we have had this morning, I imagine that you will have a good idea of what needs to change. It would be good to hear which areas of the administration of the payment require changes.

We want to see improvements, and you are very much at the coalface of it all, and so it is important that we have that dialogue. Data is also vitally important, as is how it is managed and processed. That is the area that I want to discuss. I do not mind who wants to jump in first so that we can continue the discussion.

10:30

Roughly, how many people fall into that category, whereby the funeral director does the funeral but, at the end of the day, the person does not have the financial resources to pay for it and the funeral director has to take that hit? Does that happen regularly or only on an ad hoc basis?

That also puts the family in a difficult position because they are relying on what might happen, as are you, but you will be the one who is worse off financially.

I am pleased to open the debate on behalf of the Scottish Conservatives. It is a welcome opportunity to highlight the on-going crisis at Mossmorran, which will impact not only the area but the wider Fife economy and Scotland as a whole.

The closure of Mossmorran will mean the loss of as many as 400 jobs, affecting many people from neighbouring communities across the Mid Scotland and Fife region, which I represent. Many of those are highly skilled jobs that are vitally important to Scotland’s manufacturing industry.

As my amendment highlights, Mossmorran’s closure was not only avoidable; it was the direct result of the left-wing consensus across this Parliament and the failure to support Scotland’s oil and gas sector. The Scottish National Party Government has for many years been at the heart of that left-wing consensus. That is clear from its draft energy strategy and its just transition plan, which include a presumption against the extension of oil and gas development. Scots should not be fooled by claims that the SNP is softening its position on oil and gas. If the Government really wanted to support the sector, it could prove that by finalising its energy strategy.

Scottish Conservative members have called countless times for the strategy to be published, but it is still a mystery and we do not have it. The SNP has failed to deliver the just transition plan for Mossmorran that had been promised. Even by November last year, when Exxon confirmed the site’s closure, with more than 400 jobs at risk, we were still waiting for that plan.

However, the UK Government has also played its part in damaging the oil and gas sector, and it has to take some responsibility for its deeds and actions. Exxon has blamed the UK Government’s windfall tax for the decline of Mossmorran and has spoken about

“the challenges of … a policy environment that is accelerating the exit of vital industries, domestic manufacturing, and the high-value jobs they provide.”

Those are all at risk because of the UK Government’s deeds and actions.

Of course, there have been no stronger cheerleaders for the demise of the oil and gas industry than Scottish Green Party members. For years, they were vocal campaigners for the closure of Mossmorran, and they even described it as a “fossil fuel relic” in the community.

Although we cannot disagree with the wording of the motion that the Greens have lodged, it is rather confusing to say the least. Given the widespread hostility towards the industry across this Parliament, however, it is hardly surprising that more than 13,000 jobs in the oil and gas sector have been lost in the space of just a year.

I was there, supporting the community. You are well aware of that, Mr Ruskell, because I was there many times, at many of those meetings—

As it stands, this is not a just transition—it is a cliff edge. What we have heard from the Greens this afternoon is predictable. Last year’s announcement that Mossmorran was to close was an important reminder of how bad Government policy can change the lives of communities across Scotland.

The Scottish and UK Governments require to support those communities and should be looking at securing the Rosebank oil and gas field, because that is vitally important. The Scottish Government’s deeds and actions have been detrimental and continue to fail the community, the sector and Scotland.

I move amendment S6M-20820.1, to insert at end:

“; notes that ExxonMobil has blamed the UK Labour administration’s windfall tax for accelerating the decline of Mossmorran; expresses disappointment that the left-wing ‘Holyrood’ consensus, in its opposition to oil and gas, has resulted in tens of thousands of job losses; highlights that the Scottish Green Party previously campaigned for Mossmorran to be closed; calls on the Scottish Government to publish its energy strategy, and further calls on the UK Government to support Rosebank oil and gas field, which could generate billions of pounds’ worth of investment and support jobs in the oil and gas supply chain.”

16:18

During last year’s emergency early release scheme, the governor’s veto was the key safety valve, and it was used to prevent 171 prisoners who had been assessed as posing an immediate risk of harm from being released into the community. Now the Government wants to hardwire a 30 per cent automatic release point and dictate where the veto will not apply. Will the cabinet secretary give a guarantee that no prisoner whose early release was previously vetoed on public safety grounds will be let out early as a result of the changes? If that guarantee cannot be given, why is the Government asking victims and the public to carry that risk?

To ask the Scottish Government whether offenders convicted of serious violent offences could be eligible for release after serving around 30 per cent of their custodial sentence under the proposed changes to automatic release points. (S6O-05524)