Chamber and committees

I thank the member for doing that. I realise that, for various reasons, it was very hard to do it, but well done to him.

Pauline McNeill made an important point in relation to police numbers and pensions. She will know that the final decision on the pensions—which meant that police officers could make their decisions—came in February this year. That is why we are facing some of the large numbers that she talked about. She will also know—and I hope that people acknowledge this—that it is not just an excuse when we say that the police have been prevented from training people at Tulliallan by Covid and the 26th United Nations climate change conference of the parties—COP26. We are now seeing increasing numbers of police officers going through that process.

I answered the point about deaths in custody earlier in portfolio question time. A great deal is being done—including the appointment of Gill Imery, who Pauline McNeill will know—to take that work forward. More is being done, and I am happy to write to her about that.

I will address the Conservative approach, especially the idea that it was wrong for the SNP to give prisoners the vote. I do not know whether that means that, were the Tories ever to get the chance, they would reverse our European convention on human rights obligation to give prisoners the vote. If they would reverse that policy down south, why would they not reverse it here? It has happened there, because their colleagues have done that. They also say that they want to have—as the Tories have down south—a massive prison building programme. If they want another tabloid headline, it could be “More cells and less cellphones”. That is a wee freebie for them. I hope that they recognise the impact that cellphones have had. I am not saying that they are without their problems—the response was made within a short time because of the pandemic—but the impact of cellphones on the welfare of prisoners is crucial. We get a glimpse into what the Tory approach to justice would look like, if those things were to be private.

I am happy to pass on the press statement; it was on three pages of popular newspapers and was also repeated by two of his colleagues. One of those colleagues has already refused to either repeat the charge in the chamber or apologise, so hopefully Russell Findlay will have the experience, ability and honour to do that.

The proportion of people who have experienced crime has decreased, with adults in Scotland less likely to have experienced crime than those in England and Wales during 2019-20. It is odd that Jamie Greene does not want comparisons with what the Tories actually do when they are in government. Let us have a look at the way the Tories approach crime—[Interruption.] I know that they do not want to hear this and that it is difficult for them.

Boris Johnson and Kwasi Kwarteng then basically said, “Yes, but these were victims of fraud, and we are talking about crimes that really affect people.” They said that as if fraud does not affect people.

I do not have much time, but I will take a brief intervention.

I commend Russell Findlay for that apology, which is received in the spirit in which it was given.

The Conservative motion highlights police numbers. I am happy to confirm, again, that police officer numbers per head of population are higher than they are in England and Wales, where the Tories can choose to do something about the issue. The number of officers is significantly higher than it was when the Government took office in 2007.

Jamie Greene asked about what we intend to do. Our public health approach to tackling violence recognises that violence is a symptom that is often accompanied by a complex mix of social harms, including problem substance use, adverse childhood experiences, trauma and poor mental health. Members of the Criminal Justice Committee who had the opportunity to visit the Wise Group in Glasgow today and meet former prisoners, as I have done, will know exactly what those things mean.

Later this year, we will publish the first ever national violence prevention framework, which will identify priorities for all partners so that we work towards making Scotland’s communities safer for everyone. I know that there is a great deal more to do—I am not saying that the justice system is perfect by any means—and we will strive to deliver a just, safe and resilient Scotland. That is the purpose of the justice vision.

We are committed to taking action to address violence against women and girls. I assure Jamie Greene that I talk frequently to victims of rape and sexual assault to hear their stories and experiences, and we are committed to not repeating the failures of the justice system in that regard. The work of the women’s justice leadership panel, which is convened by Ash Regan, will be crucial in furthering our understanding of gender competence and cultural change, which is required in our justice system.

We will consider each of the recommendations that are set out in Baroness Helena Kennedy’s report on behalf of the working group on misogyny and criminal justice in Scotland. We intend to consult on draft legislation to address gaps in the law that could be addressed by a specific criminal offence to tackle misogynistic behaviour. Events of this week show us why action is needed in that area.

We know that we have more to do to ensure that victims are placed at the heart of justice processes. Victims and survivors should be seen as people first and not, as they sometimes are, as a piece of evidence. That should not happen. In this financial year, more than 20 organisations have received awards from the new victim-centred approach fund—many for the first time—to ensure that victims and survivors have access to practical and emotional support services that are joined up and trauma informed. In addition, more than £250,000 is being awarded from the victim surcharge fund to provide practical help to victims.

We are not only investing in support services for victims; we will shortly publish a consultation on potential legislative reforms to the justice system to strengthen the rights and improve the experience of victims of crime. The consultation has been informed by the work of the victims task force and the recommendations from Lady Dorrian’s review. That will be one step on the road to allow progressive minds in the Parliament to put in place the necessary legislative framework to support major transformation across the justice sector.

For nearly 15 years, the Government has delivered bold and effective justice reforms, with a firm focus on early intervention, prevention and rehabilitation. During that time, there has been a large fall in the number of young people who end up in the criminal justice system. Fewer people are experiencing violent crime, and Scotland’s reconviction rates are now at one of the lowest levels in the past 22 years. Jamie Greene said that there are figures that I never mention, but we never hear the Conservatives mention those figures.

The more we support people with convictions as they serve their sentences—whether in prison or in their communities—the more we can reduce reoffending and thereby keep crime down and communities safe.

I do not have time, unfortunately.

We must rethink how we use custody in Scotland. Our consultation on bail and release was the first step in a wider discussion about how custody should be used in a modern, progressive Scotland. We sought views on how to refocus the use of remand in the criminal justice system and how we can improve opportunities for the successful reintegration of people when they leave prison. Responses to the consultation have informed the detail of the legislation that we will shortly introduce in Parliament for scrutiny. I look forward to debate and discussions with members across the chamber in considering the most effective support and settings to address the causes of crime.

On the latter point, I think that Jamie Greene will have had that undertaking from the Lord Advocate; it is right that she should respond to that point.

We—the law officers, the Minister for Community Safety and I—have had not just one conversation but a number of conversations on the issue. I accept the member’s point that, when things take a very long time, that can have an effect on not just victims’ families but the quality of evidence. He will be aware of recent efforts to reduce the timescales. The member will also be aware of the increasingly specialist nature of some inquiries. For example, the inquiry into the helicopter crash in the North Sea required all sorts of expertise so that it could be done properly—and it is important that such things are done properly.

To conclude, during the two reporting years from April 2020 to March 2022, despite the effects of the pandemic, including restricted court availability, the Crown Office successfully concluded 53 FAIs relating to deaths in custody, and 31 of those related to deaths that occurred in 2019 or 2020.

The Scottish Government is committed to reducing and, ultimately, ending the placement of under-18s in young offenders institutions. In line with our commitment to keeping the Promise, we aim to deliver that by the end of 2024. Resourcing and legislative reform will be needed first, but we will move forward without delay. A consultation on legislative proposals was published on 30 March, and views are invited until 22 June. Sentencing decisions will, of course, remain with the independent courts. When 16 and 17-year-olds require to be deprived of their liberty, they should be placed in age-appropriate settings.

As I know that the member knows, it is not appropriate for the Scottish Government to comment on individual cases, but I assure him that Scots law prevents someone who has unlawfully killed another person from inheriting that person’s estate. Although a murderer cannot inherit from their victim’s estate, they can assume the role of executor. The function of the executor is to represent the deceased and is fiduciary in nature, which means that there is an ethical relationship of trust. Until such time as the estate is distributed, they have control of the deceased person’s property.

The question allows me to say that the funding has allowed Veterans First Point and Combat Stress—this will be of interest to Pam Duncan-Glancy, as well—to take on two specialist veteran mental health service providers to continue to provide advice and support to veterans across Scotland. The funding is also being used to commission the see me campaign to design and implement a campaign to address stigma. It is appalling that veterans should suffer stigma in this day and age, but we will address the issue, which has been experienced by veterans and their families.

I do not have much time, but I will give way.