Chamber and committees

That is a really important factor in all our considerations. As we all know, the NHS is working under extreme pressure right now—possibly the most extreme pressure that it has faced in its entire history. Much of that pressure comes from Covid. However, the NHS is also working to catch up on the backlog of care caused by earlier restrictions.

The combination of events—before we are properly into a possible flu season—means that we are likely to see significant pressure on the NHS over the whole winter. We know that the more Covid cases there are, the greater the pressure will be. People who are not vaccinated are at greater risk of getting the virus and becoming seriously ill from it. One of the things that we all can do to try to reduce the pressure on the NHS is get vaccinated with our first and second doses if we have not done so already, and, when we are able to, with our booster dose.

If cases rise, as they are doing gradually at the moment, notwithstanding the variation in the age profile, hospitalisations will increase as well. As the pressure on the NHS is already so acute, that would be a seriously concerning development. Vaccination is one of the things that we all can do to try to ease that pressure as much as possible.

Yes. We work hard every day to show that the capacity exists. We also work with the UK Government, given the fact that much of our testing capacity—not all of it—is delivered through the four-nations Lighthouse programme. Those issues get close attention from the Cabinet Secretary for Health and Social Care, me and the Government as a whole every day.

I will consider all those proposals in good faith. The Government must ensure that it has the funding to implement policies, but I am aware that we must look across a range of responsibilities and that we must challenge ourselves to go further.

I put the challenge back to Alex Cole-Hamilton. When it comes to some of the tougher issues, we need cross-party support. The criticism that I made of Douglas Ross could also be levelled at the Scottish Liberal Democrats. Workplace parking is an example. A proposal was made to try to reduce use of cars, particularly in our urban centres, but political opportunism got in the way of what the planet needs.

I accept my responsibilities. When the really tough issues present themselves, we also need the Opposition to rise above ordinary politics.

That is an important issue and one in which I am committed to continuing to build momentum. It is important to focus on why loss and damage matter. It is important to fund climate change mitigation and to fund developing countries to adapt to the future impacts of climate change, but many developing and vulnerable countries are suffering loss and damage now. The developed world, which has done most to cause climate change, has an obligation to help those countries to finance mitigation of those impacts now—not as an act of charity, but as a fundamental and basic act of reparation.

I will not name them at this stage, but I have had a number of discussions in the past two weeks with other Governments that are interested in following up and stepping up on loss and damage. There was some progress on that in Glasgow, with the inclusion in the agreement of text on loss and damage. Unfortunately, a proposal for a financial facility was knocked out in the final stages. One key objective of COP27 will be to establish that facility.

We will work with others over the next 12 months to build a head of steam on that, because it is an obligation that we owe to the countries that are right now dealing with the worst impacts of climate change.

We listen and will continue to listen to businesses, which are an important voice but not the only voice. I also have a duty to listen to those who work in the front line of our national health service, who say that we need to do as much as we can to reduce the risks of Covid transmission, and I need to listen to people across the country who want to go back to pubs and restaurants but want to feel safer before they do so, particularly when transmission rates are rising. I must also listen to those who are particularly clinically vulnerable, who want to feel safe when they go about their normal lives.

That is one of the difficult things, but I accept that part of the responsibility of taking decisions—as opposed to deciding on a position and sticking to it—is that we must take account of and listen to a range of views and come to a balanced, sensible and responsible decision. Businesses are an important voice, but we must take account of the wide range of considerations and factors that lead to the decisions that we take in what is an inherently difficult and complex set of circumstances.

“Not with her”—he is a charmer, the leader of the Opposition.

The answer is yes, we will continue to discuss with individuals, businesses and other sectors the very difficult options that will lie ahead of us if we continue to see Covid cases rise over the winter period.

Across Europe and in parts of the British isles, we are seeing the emergence of another very challenging situation. One of the lessons that we have learned throughout this pandemic is that often we have to take very unpalatable decisions in order to stop a situation deteriorating. The earlier we act to, for example, increase compliance with the basic mitigations that are in place, and do things such as improve ventilation, the more chance we have of avoiding some of the measures that we are seeing in countries such as the Netherlands and Austria, and, as we have seen even today, in Ireland, much closer to home.

If we all step up our compliance with basic mitigations, recognise the vital importance of vaccination and get vaccinated as soon as we are able to do so—which measures worked during the previous peaks that we experienced in recent weeks—I hope that we will be able to get through the winter without having to reimpose any further restrictions. That is the Government’s aim, but no responsible Government minister could stand here, in the face of a pandemic, as we go into another winter, and give empty promises about what might or might not be possible. Our solemn duty is to act in a way—however unpopular it might be—that keeps the country as safe as possible, and that is what we will continue to seek to do.

We will continue to consider additional financial support as necessary; in fact, I have just confirmed additional financial support on a different issue to enable businesses including bars and restaurants to improve ventilation. We will continue to look favourably at any argument that is made for that.

Murdo Fraser and others have to be careful with the argument that trade being down is a reason not to take measures to make settings safer. I appreciate that this is not a unanimous view, but I have spoken to many people who say anecdotally that the reason they are not going back to pubs and restaurants is that they do not yet feel safe enough, and that people’s vaccination records being checked would make them feel safer and more likely to go back. There are arguments in both directions on the issue.

I understand how difficult it is for hospitality, the tourism trade and other sectors that have been badly affected, but the key to getting back to normal is keeping Covid under control and building people’s confidence to start going back to normal life. We have to use every tool at our disposal to do that.

On rewarding those who have worked so hard in our national health service, I would dearly love to be a position to give them a higher pay rise than we have given. We will always seek to maximise that. However, it is important to put on the record that, this year, NHS agenda for change workers in Scotland are receiving the highest pay increase of any NHS workers in any part of the UK, including where Labour is in Government. Perhaps we should judge the Labour Party on what it does rather than on what it says.

The issue of inclusion of a negative test in the vaccination certification scheme is a finely balanced judgment. When we take a decision to introduce a scheme with the express objective of using it, at least in part, to drive up vaccination rates, it makes no sense to have an alternative to vaccination as an initial part of the scheme. It can be argued that our being currently the most vaccinated part of the UK is, at least in part, down to our vaccination certification scheme, which has helped to drive vaccine uptake.

There comes a point at which our consideration must change because we make a judgment that we have already got all the gains of increased vaccine uptake and can therefore move to include LFD tests. I understand the importance of LFD tests as part of a package of measures. That is why, every week as I stand here, I talk about the importance of those tests.

We have made judgments carefully up to now. We will not always get judgments right, but we will continue to make them responsibly and to take account of all of the evidence. As I said in my statement, we will publish an evidence paper this week. We will continue to talk to businesses and we will continue to arrive at the difficult decisions as carefully as possible.

I know that the Opposition parties want to say that we need to do nothing, and want to oppose everything that we put forward. That is an easy option. However, in Government, there are no easy options, particularly in the face of a global pandemic.

We provided funding for local authorities to inspect and assess the quality of ventilation and to take any follow-up steps. I am happy to write to the member about the detail, to the extent that we have it—information about the outcome of assessments is held by local authorities. To ensure that the assessments were done, we provided funding for carbon dioxide monitors. I know that all local authorities have taken seriously the need to improve the quality of ventilation in schools and early learning centres.

I have made my position very clear. I do not think that we can go on extracting new oil and gas for ever—that is why we have moved away from the policy of maximum economic recovery—and I do not think that we can continue to give the go-ahead to new oilfields, so I do not think that Cambo should get the green light. I am not the one taking that decision, so I have set out a proposal for a climate assessment, and I think that the presumption would be that Cambo could not and should not pass any rigorous climate assessment.

Monica Lennon might want to join me in calling for the powers to be transferred to Scotland so that we can take the decisions. However, given that it is somebody else who has the power, I have set out a process by which a different decision could be arrived at. [Interruption.] As soon as Monica Lennon wants to argue that the powers should be in our hands, she will find a willing ally in me. [Interruption.]