Chamber and committees

You say in your letter that you

“accept that the value for money assessment concludes that it would be cheaper to re-procure a new vessel”,

but that that new vessel could

“not be deployed until May 2027 at the earliest.”

How did you arrive at the May 2027 date for the potential deployment of a new vessel?

What progress has been made in appointing a permanent clerk to the board?

The report states:

“The auditor considered the implications of the investigations for the college’s compliance with the Code.”

Can you provide more detail on the outcome of those considerations?

Did you look at the possibility of stopping the building of 802 and giving FMPG a new contract for a new ship?

My party has serious concerns about the damage that the Bail and Release from Custody (Scotland) Bill could do. Regrettably, the bill is yet another example of the SNP’s soft-touch approach to justice. The needs of criminals are, once again, being prioritised over the rights of victims.

The bill seeks to reduce Scotland’s prison population, to let criminals out early and to remove restrictions that protect people from dangerous offenders. Unfortunately—I do not say this lightly—it will put public safety at greater risk. Before I get into broader arguments, I will outline the specific sections of the bill that deeply concern us.

Section 2 makes it more difficult to remand an accused offender in prison. Section 3 removes some restrictions on bail being granted in the most serious of cases that are heard by juries, such as cases involving violent, sexual and domestic abuse offences. Section 5 allows time spent on electronic monitoring to be deducted from an offender’s sentence. Section 7 allows SNP ministers to release prisoners for up to six months at a time, even before the Parole Board recommends release. Section 8 allows SNP ministers to release prisoners early, before the end of their sentence, without parliamentary approval. We have raised issues with those sections throughout the bill process, yet the SNP has refused to make the necessary changes to improve the bill.

If the bill is passed, what impact will it have? First, it will not deal with one of the main sources of the problem. Scotland’s remand prison population is high largely because there is such a large court backlog. A recent Audit Scotland report said that the backlog will not be cleared until March 2026. Instead of tackling the root of the problem by working to clear the court backlog, the SNP Government is trying to take the easy way out by seeking to empty prisons.

That approach will have profound consequences. The increased risk to public safety is so clear that it is stunning that the SNP Government does not recognise it. One in four crimes are committed by people who are on bail. In the most recent year for which we have data, that amounted to 15,724 crimes and offences. Those figures include the most serious crimes, from rapes to murder. Despite that, this SNP law will release even more criminals on bail and will cut time off prison sentences that are already short. That is not justice.

Statistics tell only a small part of the story. Specific cases are more enlightening. A few years ago, Robbie Smullen stabbed Barry Dixon in the heart and killed him. Barry was 22. A witness in the trial said that Smullen was not upset afterwards; he was bragging about it. Barry Dixon’s murderer was on three different bail orders when he committed that vile crime. Barry’s aunt, Jade Taylor, said:

“It’s as if it’s acceptable for our children and loved ones to be collateral damage because of policies they have put in place simply to save money. We are talking about murders, rapes and serious assaults that would never have happened if the monstrous individuals responsible were remanded in prison instead of repeatedly being granted bail while continuing to offend.”

The Government must reflect on the words of Barry Dixon’s family. It must consider the horrific and tragic consequences that can come from letting criminals walk the streets freely on bail. If the Government carries on with the bill, it could increase the risk to public safety, it could result in more victims and more broken families across Scotland, and it could stack the justice system even more in favour of criminals.

I urge colleagues across the chamber to think again and vote against the bill.

On a point of order, Presiding Officer. I would have voted yes.

It is better for the climate to use home-grown produce than it is to fly in costly imports, with their associated food miles emissions. Local food is high quality and is produced to high environmental standards. Buying local also helps Ayrshire farmers to keep producing the first-class food that they are renowned for. The Scottish Conservatives have a plan for that as part of our sustainable food future policy. Will the agriculture bill learn from our policy and help to encourage more people and organisations in Ayrshire to buy good local food?

I move on to funding for ELC. You mentioned that there is no comprehensive picture of how much councils have spent specifically on the expansion at national level. You mentioned the various complexities that can make it difficult for the Government to establish the overall amount that has been spent on implementing the expansion from 600 hours to 1,140 hours. Does that mean that we might never know the cost of implementing the policy?

Thank you.

Are we confident that the report will come out in the summer?