Does Emma Roddick agree that it is odd, to say the least, that, although the Welsh Labour Government is prepared to raise the same concerns with the UK Government about how it is conducting its business and how it is not informing the devolved Administrations, the Scottish Labour Party has lodged an amendment that welcomes everything and is unprepared to criticise the UK Government on those points? Frankly, it is pretty embarrassing. If it is possible for Welsh Labour colleagues to do that, why will Scottish Labour members not do it?

No, I have to finish the list. It is quite a long list, so it is important that I finish it.

The impact has ended free movement of people and made it harder for businesses that need people to grow to attract them. With a trend towards a declining, ageing population, we need new Scots from Europe and the rest of the world, whom we will continue to welcome to study, work and make their home here in Scotland. That is why we call on the UK Government and other political parties to reject the politics of populists who have sought to divide us, face reality and seize the opportunities to repair some of the damage that Brexit has done.

If I can make some progress and I have some time remaining, I will let Mr Kerr back in. I have still not referred to his speech—I am coming to that in a minute.

Let us be under no illusion about that or anything else: no scheme or agreement can replace the benefits of European Union membership, and I continue to hope that the United Kingdom Government will rethink its position. Indeed, the forthcoming negotiations at the upcoming leaders summit between the UK Government and the European Union on 19 May are a critical opportunity to undo some of the damage that was done by the previous UK Administration. It is my sincere hope that the UK Government takes heed of Parliament’s motion today.

I will reflect on the contributions from Stephen Kerr and other members. I will begin with the contributions of Stephen Kerr and Neil Bibby, because, in many respects they were the same. Both had little to say about the European Union-UK summit or the fact that the UK Government has not shared documentation ahead of the discussions and might be prepared to make agreements in devolved areas without consent from devolved Administrations. Neither member commented on the discussions, and I am happy to give way to either of them if they wish to put their thoughts about that on the record.

Any reading of the record will show, as I pointed out, that neither Stephen Kerr—just then or in his opening speech—or, indeed, Neil Bibby, made any reference to the fact that the UK Government has not shared documentation ahead of discussions and might be prepared to make agreements in devolved areas without consent from the devolved Administrations. That is a very important point, and it is a great shame that neither of the Tweedledum or Tweedledee parties, which, in the previous UK Government—[Interruption.]

Patrick Harvie was absolutely right to talk about embracing the UK-EU summit’s opportunities, but rightly also said that the summit would only ameliorate some of the damage that Brexit caused. He was absolutely right to say that he is not yet seeing a reset. Yes, the tone has changed, but the actions of this Labour Government are exactly the same custom and practice that we became used to from the previous UK Government. That is evidenced by the lack of sharing documentation to devolved Administrations, which we are unfortunately now seeing from the Labour Party as well.

Alex Cole-Hamilton was absolutely right to talk about the prize—the opportunity of rejoining the Erasmus+ and creative Europe programmes.

Emma Roddick and Elena Whitham were right to stress why we need an ambitious reset in relations with the European Union, including on freedom of movement.

I appreciated Paul Sweeney’s speech. He was right to talk about Europe being essential, he condemned the damage of Euroscepticism and, in the context of Keir Starmer’s contemptible rhetoric, he said that he would not use such language. I am appreciative that a member on the Labour benches was prepared to say so.

Christine Grahame talked about the importance of the international context, and she was right to do so. George Adam was similarly correct to warn against the Farage-ism that is increasingly evident in both the Conservative and Labour Party rhetoric.

Foysol Choudhury talked about the advantages of European Union co-operation, and I agreed with him. He talked about progress in the trade agreement with India. I think that that was good. He did not mention the UK-US trade agreement, which maintains the levels of tariffs that are damaging to the Scotch whisky industry. That was an oversight.

Alexander Stewart had an interesting theme in his summing-up speech: it was a could-have-been theme. He and the Conservative Party could have taken the opportunity to stand up for the Scottish Parliament, the Scottish Government and other devolved Administrations in devolved areas, such as fishing, but they did not.

There are three days until the summit. The UK Government has not shared the documentation and the Conservative Party could not even bring itself to call for it to do so.

I will come to that specifically in a moment, and, indeed, in my summing up; I will answer that in full in the course of the debate, for reasons that will become obvious.

Last week, we marked Europe day, on which we remember the circumstances in which great institutions were founded and recall the ideas about international unity and co-operation between nations that we might learn the lessons of the past, base the world order on the rule of law and build trust over division. We need those institutions so that we can find common ground, tackle challenges by working together and, above all, rebuild trust. That common good is eroding globally today.

Nearly nine years ago, the Scottish people overwhelmingly voted to remain in the EU while the UK made the regrettable choice to leave. Scotland stands steadfast behind the European idea and project, which are the founding principles of the European Union today. We uphold our shared values. Scotland is a proud European nation with a strong internationalist tradition and outlook.

That vote, and the Government’s commitment since then, leaves no doubt that Scotland’s place is in the EU and that we are committed to rejoin the EU as an independent member state. We welcome and support the UK Government’s intent to seek improved relations with the EU. We have tirelessly called for better relations. If the UK Government is serious about economic growth, it will drop its red lines and get back into the single market and the customs union. There are many areas in which a closer partnership with the EU could at least lessen the damage of Brexit.

I am happy to make an intervention. No, I would not be pleased to see defence and security co-operation being conditional on any other consideration. I believe that defence and security serve us all, and they should be key priorities. However, I hope that the member recognises that it is a hugely deficient situation that, with only Friday, Saturday and Sunday—three days—to go until the summit meeting in London, and when he is able to read about the issues on the front pages of UK newspapers, Government ministers in Edinburgh, Cardiff and Northern Ireland have not been informed by the UK Government about any of the detailed discussions.

I appreciate the opportunity to sum up the debate. I have listened closely to all the contributions—the constructive contributions and those less than constructive—and I come back to the importance of the values that we share. Europe day celebrates the common values that we share across Europe: those of human dignity, freedom and democracy, based on unity and the idea that a co-operative, interdependent Europe would never again suffer the horrors of war.

Seventy-five years ago—it is 80 years since the end of the second world war in Europe—Schuman’s idea was the seed of a peace project that grew into what would become the European Union, but war and division have again returned to our continent. Russia’s illegal invasion of Ukraine and the on-going conflict in Gaza remind us that we cannot take peace or international co-operation for granted. The European project and the ideas on which it is founded could not be more important today.

If the past years and the fast-moving first five months of this year have taught us anything, it is that each country and region does not operate in a vacuum and that long-standing certainties cannot be taken for granted. The reality is that we live in an ever more interconnected world, and recent international events have reminded us of the global dimension in which we are embedded.

Let us be absolutely clear: Brexit has been a disaster for both Scotland and the United Kingdom. The impact has undermined the economy, made it harder for businesses to trade with the world’s largest single market, ended free movement of people—

This year, we mark 75 years since the signing of the Schuman declaration on 9 May 1950. Last Friday, I and others in the chamber celebrated Europe day and the shared values that underpin the European project. Poignantly, last week, we also marked 80 years since victory in Europe day on 8 May 1945 and the liberation of Europe by the allied forces that ended the second world war in Europe. I had the privilege to mark the day, on behalf of the Scottish Government, at a memorial service at Westminster Abbey in London.

Out of the ashes of the second world war grew renewed ideas about international unity and co-operation between nations, about building trust and about basing the world order on the rule of law. One of those ideas was the European Coal and Steel Community, which paved the way for the European Union. The six original signatories of the Schuman declaration agreed to put the production of key defence materials under common control, thereby building trust through transparency and, ultimately, through economic interdependence. Erstwhile bitter rivals became partners and lasting peace and prosperity became a shared reality for members of the EU.

I have little time remaining, so I will sum up now.

Any improved deal that the United Kingdom makes with the European Union cannot ignore that Scotland voted to remain, nor can it replace what we have lost—namely, the security and prosperity offered by membership of the European Union. That is why I continue to believe that Scotland should and must return to the European Union as an independent member state in its own right. Only by returning to its rightful place at the heart of Europe can Scotland enjoy the full benefits of and make the fullest contribution to the European Union. I believe that the light that the EU was asked to leave on for Scotland burns still, and I believe that it will continue to do so until the day of our return.

I call on the Parliament to support the Scottish Government’s motion and to commit to our fellow Europeans that Scotland and her peoples remain by their side. From Ukraine to the Atlantic and from the Nordics to the Mediterranean, Scotland will be steadfast in our efforts to work with Europe as friends until we return to take our place beside them all as a member of the European Union. Together, we will continue to face the challenges of our continent and our world.