I do not think that we have enough time to do that question justice. As we have learned from the developments this week, it would have been perfectly possible to reach an agreement in principle before now, but that was impossible given the confrontational approach of the previous UK Prime Minister—notwithstanding his claim that he had an oven-ready deal. It behoves all of us to understand that Northern Ireland remaining in the single European market means that Northern Ireland will have a competitive advantage relative to Scotland and Scottish businesses. [Interruption.] That is a statement of fact; I do not know whether Willie Rennie disagrees with that.

Regardless of where stand on the question of whether Scotland should be a sovereign member state of the European Union, it is going to become ever more apparent that Northern Ireland is in an exceptionally privileged position—the Prime Minister himself described it as such—and that Scotland is at a disadvantage.

I hope that the Liberal Democrats and their fellow parties that, at one stage, supported membership of the European Union but now support Brexit will think again and stand up for Scotland’s social, economic and political interests, at least for this.

I welcome the progress, which was announced this week, on the Northern Ireland protocol. The Scottish Government consistently called for the UK Government to withdraw its irresponsible Northern Ireland Protocol Bill and to seek a sustainable, negotiated solution to that entirely avoidable and deeply damaging dispute with our European neighbours.

However, Scotland is still left with Brexit and all of the damage that comes with it. I urge the UK Government now to seize the opportunity to start the overdue work of repairing relations with our European Union partners more widely and rebuilding closer co-operation and partnership across the many areas in which Scotland’s interests have been harmed by Brexit.

In addition, the UK Government must now clarify the policy on Northern Ireland to Great Britain trade. That will be crucial to understanding the impact on devolved responsibilities, including physical checks on food safety and animal and plant health, as well as required associated infrastructure such as the border control post at Cairnryan.

I have already put on record that I think that it is a good thing that Northern Ireland is able to remain in the single European market. It is something that the Scottish Government has supported while, at the same time, saying that Scotland voted to remain in the European Union and that, if it is possible to find an arrangement for part of the United Kingdom to remain in the single European market, surely it must be possible to find that for another, namely Scotland.

Unfortunately, the UK Government chose to ignore that, although it would have been entirely possible. Therefore, we find ourselves in a situation in which, notwithstanding the fact that we think that it is a good thing that a solution has been found for Northern Ireland, we recognise that Scotland not having that status in the single European market puts Scotland at a competitive disadvantage when it comes to inward investment and our exporting industries. Surely, that should be obvious to everybody in the chamber.

No doubt, we will come back to the issue over the months and years ahead.

The Scottish Government is committed to remaining close to the European Union and to building the strongest possible relationship between the EU and Scotland. Our alignment policy protects the wellbeing of the people of Scotland by maintaining and advancing the standards that we share with the EU, wherever it is practical and possible to do that under the current constitutional settlement. That policy was approved by this Parliament in June 2022 and it is being delivered through evidence-based policy making and stakeholder engagement.

Our alignment policy helps to realise the vision that we share for the continent’s future and its part in the world, from ensuring our people’s prosperity to tackling the climate emergency and supporting the people Ukraine, and it helps to pave the way for an independent Scotland’s return to the EU in the future.

Yes, and the Scottish Government’s approach focuses on maintaining and advancing the high standards that we share with the European Union, where that is possible. Consideration of that is integral to our approach to evidence-based policy making across the full range of devolved policy areas. At the same time, the UK Government’s Retained EU Law (Revocation and Reform) Bill threatens those high standards and undermines devolution, which is why this Parliament has agreed not to give consent to that bill.

The member also references other parties’ policies in relation to the EU. Labour, of course, does not just now support Brexit; it supports the hard Brexit that was negotiated by Boris Johnson, which keeps Scotland and the UK out of the huge European single market and customs union, despite all the economic damage that that is causing.

I am happy to confirm to Sarah Boyack that our officials are continuing to work with parliamentary officials on the question of European Union alignment. That is about not just the historical issues, but the forthcoming challenge of the retained European Union law process that we will have to go through. I am absolutely seized of that matter. It will, no doubt, be a subject that Sarah Boyack and others in Parliament will wish to be reassured on. I am happy to give the commitment to her that I want us to have the best transparency in place as we go forward and to make sure that members understand the ways in which the Scottish Government intends for us to remain aligned with European Union law.

We have repeatedly called for the UK Government to find a negotiated solution to that entirely avoidable dispute with the European Union. The Scottish Government unequivocally supports the Good Friday agreement and we welcome the new agreement that has been announced on the Northern Ireland protocol. Scotland did not vote for Brexit, yet we continue to suffer from its consequences, including the exacerbation of the current cost of living crisis. While Northern Ireland has been given preferential access to the huge European single market, Scotland, which voted overwhelmingly to remain in the EU, has been ignored by the UK Government and subjected to the full damage of a disastrous hard Brexit. The Scottish Government is now carefully considering the deal and what it means for Scotland. Brexit has brought nothing but harm to people, communities and businesses in Scotland, and the Scottish Government remains committed to realising Scotland’s potential as an independent nation within the European Union.

It is a matter of fact and, I hope, not of party-political disagreement that Scotland is exceptionally well endowed with renewable energy potential. As renewable technologies, licensing rounds and completed schemes develop at home and abroad, so does the statistical context. An example of that is last year’s ScotWind licensing round, which was the world’s largest-ever leasing round for floating offshore wind, with developer ambitions at over 17GW.

The statistic that Liam Kerr highlighted has been used by both the United Kingdom Government and the Scottish Government, but it is now considered to be overtaken by developments. That is why I am no longer using it.

The Scottish Government has committed to providing Parliament with updated statistics in due course. I am confident that that will confirm that Scotland is well placed to be a significant European leader in renewable energy production. I hope that Liam Kerr will join me in using those statistics to promote Scotland at home and abroad.

That is why I am no longer using that statistic.

In an earlier answer, I also made it clear to him that the Scottish Government is committed to providing the Parliament with the updated statistics in due course—I am sorry that he does not seem to think that that is good enough. I hope that he will join me in using them to promote the renewables sector in Scotland.

The member asked a question and then proceeded to barrack me. If he will allow me to— [Interruption.]