Plenary, 09 Nov 2006

Meeting date: Thursday, November 9, 2006

Official Report 746KB pdf

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First Minister's Question Time

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Prime Minister (Meetings)

To ask the First Minister when he will next meet the Prime Minister and what issues they will discuss. (S2F-2526)

I expect to see the Prime Minister at the service at the cenotaph on Sunday. We will be paying our respects to those who have given their lives in the service of our country. I do not expect any other issues to be discussed.

Last week, the First Minister admitted breaking a key manifesto pledge on education. This week, will he tell us why he has also broken his promise to deliver a fairer council tax system?

Not at all.

In that case, I have some news for the First Minister. I remind him that Labour's manifesto for the 2003 election promised to deliver

"a fairer council tax banding system".

We know that it was an important pledge because it was repeated on the same page of the manifesto, but all we have had since then is an expensive two-and-a-half-year review, which the First Minister said would produce "robust recommendations" but which he ended up rubbishing before it was even published. That means that hard-pressed council tax payers are left with the burden of a council tax system that is unchanged, unreformed and as deeply unfair as ever. Will the First Minister take the opportunity to apologise for yet another broken pledge?

Ms Sturgeon knows that, to implement manifesto pledges as a whole and in their complete meaning, one has to win a majority of seats in the election. It is far more appropriate to look at the difference between what people say today and what they said in 2003. Despite what Mr Swinney said earlier and what Ms Sturgeon just said, the Scottish National Party's 2003 manifesto said:

"we will hold an independent review of local government finance".

That is the independent review that they have been rubbishing. The important thing about the independent review that is published today is not that it forms a huge body of work that people should study and debate but that it makes clear that the SNP's plans for a local income tax that would provide only half the amount of money that is currently provided to local authorities—there are other parties in the Parliament that are far more honest about their plans for a local income tax—would leave a £1 billion black hole in local authority services for which the SNP must answer. If we are going to have a debate about local government taxation, let us look not only at the Burt committee's recommendations on property tax, on which I have made my view clear this morning, but at what it says about local income tax and the gap that would be left by the SNP's plans. Let us ask Ms Sturgeon how she plans to fill that hole.

Is that not a bit rich? Yesterday, the First Minister spent all day rubbishing the Burt review—he said that he would not give it the time of day—and now he turns up here quoting it at me. Does he have any idea how pathetic that makes him sound?

Let us get back to what the First Minister's policy is. Is it not the case that, as we have seen today, Labour's manifesto pledges—it is Labour that is in government—are not worth the paper that they are written on? What is the First Minister's policy now? We know that he does not like the SNP policy and we know that he does not like the Burt review. He says that he does not agree with Labour's own plans for a property revaluation that would be disastrous for Scotland. For two years, the First Minister has refused to say what his policy is, because he was having a review. Now that he has binned that review, can he tell us what his policy is on council tax?

Labour's policy on council tax is very clear. It was clear in our submission to the Burt review and it has been clear on every occasion on which I have commented on it in the chamber. Labour's policy is to reform the council tax to make it a far fairer system. The issue with any system of local government taxation is both to secure a fairer system and to finance local public services.

There are parties represented in the chamber that support a local income tax and are honest about that and spell it out in detail. In her speech at the SNP conference two weeks ago, Ms Sturgeon referred to

"putting a ceiling on the level of local income tax"—

running scared of her own policy. Then, through her spin doctors, she was briefing that the tax would be capped at 3 per cent. The Burt review makes it clear today that, for a local income tax to raise the same amount of money that is raised by the council tax, it would need to be at a level of 6.5 per cent. A 3 per cent cap would leave a gap of £1 billion in the funding of our schools, environmental services and the many other services that are provided by local government. Ms Sturgeon must answer this question: where will that £1 billion come from? Will it come from cuts in local services, or will it come from cuts in the budget of the health service or of the other services that are provided nationally? She should answer the question honestly. She was brave enough to get her spin doctors out briefing on it. It is now time for the politicians to speak.

Next May, when the current First Minister is standing here in my place and Alex Salmond is standing there in his place, he can ask as many questions as he wants. The First Minister's lectures about how much money can be raised by council tax might be a bit more credible if he paid council tax on his residence here in Edinburgh. The Prime Minister and the Chancellor of the Exchequer pay it on their residences; even two-Jags Prescott pays it on his residence. Is it not time for the First Minister to follow suit?

Next year, people will have a clear choice between Labour's unfair council tax and the SNP's fair system based on ability to pay. Is that not just one of the many reasons why more and more people in Scotland want Alex Salmond, not Jack McConnell, as First Minister?

The SNP's election policies are falling apart on every occasion on which they are scrutinised. Its plans to turn all private companies away from investing in our schools and hospitals would result in 97 school projects and all the hospital projects—in Larbert, Glasgow and elsewhere—being stopped, as Alex Salmond said this morning. The SNP's wild promises to end student debt were ill costed and untrue and are now being taken apart by those who are spelling out the truth about what the SNP really plans to do for students. Its plans for local income tax have been completely undermined by the same independent review that it called for in its manifesto in 2003.

I repeat that the independent review says that a local income tax will have to be set at a level of 6.5 per cent to raise the amount of money that is currently going into local services from the council tax. Ms Sturgeon was not brave enough to say it herself, but her spin doctors said that the SNP would cap the rate at 3 per cent, which would leave a £1 billion hole. The SNP has to say where the money would come from. It is not going to grow on trees. It has to be spelled out whether it would come from cuts or whether there would have to be extra taxation by other means. The SNP has to answer.

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Cabinet (Meetings)

To ask the First Minister what issues will be discussed at the next meeting of the Scottish Executive's Cabinet. (S2F-2527)

The Cabinet will discuss issues of importance to Scotland.

Yesterday, three sadistic thugs were jailed for the murder of Kriss Donald. One of those men was Imran Shahid, who viciously attacked an innocent woman in September 2002 and was subsequently sentenced to two and a half years in prison. If he had served his full term, he would have been released in March 2005, but he did not and he was released in December 2003. In March 2004, with others, he murdered Kriss Donald. Does the First Minister agree that, because of automatic early release, Imran Shahid was free in March 2004?

Automatic early release is an unacceptable system. Everyone in the chamber knows who introduced it and everyone knows who is going to abolish it.

However, today is not a day to make political points about the abominable murder that took place in Glasgow. Instead, we should pay tribute to the conduct of Angela Donald, Kriss Donald's mother. [Applause.] Those of us who have sons cannot possibly imagine what she has gone through in hearing the vivid descriptions of what happened to her son. Her dignity and her conduct—relying on the process of law and order in Scotland to deal with the three people who were convicted and jailed yesterday—are examples to every one of us.

We must ensure that nothing that we do enflames community relations and that those who commit such violent and sadistic acts not only pay the penalty for it but are seen to be responsible for their acts. It is not the system, society or anybody else who is responsible but they themselves. Angela Donald has also been an example in telling the community that it should stand together and in encouraging people to come forward as witnesses. Those who were responsible were not responsible just for this one act. It is clear from the evidence that was given in court that they had a history and a track record of terrifying local people so they did not come forward and report them sooner.

Angela Donald has been an example to all of us. Today, we should not be involved in political point scoring over the court case but should instead stand with the community and move on.

My colleagues and I certainly pay tribute to Mrs Donald, but I have to say to the First Minister that the people of Scotland would be astonished if the issue of automatic early release were not raised with him in the Parliament today. The matter is a political issue because politicians in the Parliament have responsibility for sentencing in our criminal courts. The First Minister is not exempt from that political responsibility.

In 1997, at Westminster, the Conservatives passed legislation to abolish automatic early release, but Labour did not put it into force. Time and again, my party has tried to end automatic early release, but time and again we have been blocked by every other party in the Parliament. Does the First Minister accept that the Custodial Sentences and Weapons (Scotland) Bill will mean that prisoners still get out of jail halfway through their sentences?

As I said earlier, everyone in the chamber knows who introduced automatic early release and everyone knows who will end it—the Executive. I hope that when the Custodial Sentences and Weapons (Scotland) Bill passes through the Parliament this winter, people in Scotland will have more confidence in our justice system than they have been able to have, because the policy of automatic early release was unacceptable.

It is inappropriate to debate today the merit of individual sections of the bill or amendments that might be lodged. That is my judgment. Annabel Goldie can disagree, but I think that it would be distasteful to have that debate today. Today, we have seen the forces of law and order, our courts and, more important, the people on the south side of Glasgow do the right thing and ensure that these sadistic killers are locked away. They have done so with the support of the whole community standing united against any crime, whether it is racially motivated or not.

It is imperative that politicians are prepared to talk in the chamber about the issues that concern the people of Scotland. I endorse what the First Minister says about the robust way in which the case was prosecuted and he is right to pay tribute both to the family of the victim and to the criminal justice system. I am merely pointing out that issues have been raised that go right to the heart of public confidence in our criminal justice system.

I ask the First Minister again about his proposed changes to sentencing, because they are not guaranteed to keep violent offenders in prison. My party's proposals would. Currently, an offender who has been sentenced to six years will spend four years in jail. Under the First Minister's proposed system, that offender might spend only three years in jail. Will the First Minister explain why that is an improvement and how on earth that will make Scotland a safer place?

I will continue to resist the temptation to enter a detailed political debate, but I want to record that the Conservatives introduced a law that allowed people to be released from prison automatically and without any conditions applied to their release. That was unacceptable, and I am determined that the bill that is before Parliament will be passed to end that system.

I do not think that today is the day to debate amendments that might be lodged to the bill. I am clear that the position that we will introduce will ensure that someone who is sentenced and is dangerous to the community is not released automatically. There will be a specific provision that ensures that the risk to the community is part of the assessment carried out by the Parole Board for Scotland. That is exactly what should have been happening but has not been happening.

The main issue for the Parliament today is that we should be proud that a community in Scotland—unlike communities in many other parts of Europe, I have to say—stood together in such a situation, reported the crime and pursued those responsible through the local member of Parliament and the police. The courts convicted them and they have been jailed properly, each of them for more than 20 years. That is the right thing to have happened and it happened because the community stood firm and because one individual—Kriss Donald's mother—showed leadership. I pay tribute to her today.

I thank the First Minister for his words of support for the family of Kriss Donald and for the community of Pollokshields. I agree that this is a time for community reflection on what has been a brutal crime. We should all follow the lead given by Kriss's mother, with her outstanding dignity and courage.

Being positive and thinking to the future, can I ask the First Minister what steps have been taken with Strathclyde police and community leaders to support the local community in dealing with the impact of this horrendous crime?

Many people will be assisting with the confidence building in the community that is required in these circumstances. This morning, the Minister for Justice spoke to Strathclyde police and we have been assured that the number of community relations officers in the community has been high in recent months. The police will give additional community relations support to the community in the period between now and Christmas to ensure that the strong relations in that community and the way in which the people live in peace and bind together are maintained despite the potential for the further inflaming of tensions. None of us would want to see tensions inflamed and I assure Gordon Jackson that we will do all that we can to support the community.

Before his forthcoming visit to Ireland, will the First Minister read the reports about the potential for Scottish-Irish co-operation produced by the European and External Relations Committee and by the delegation of MSPs who visited Ireland last month led by the Presiding Officer? During his discussions with representatives of the Irish Government, will the First Minister pursue the possibility of trilateral co-operation between Scotland, the Republic of Ireland and Northern Ireland? In view of the fact that a budget of €200 million has already been allocated for a bilateral programme of cross-border co-operation between the Republic of Ireland and Northern Ireland, will the First Minister ask the United Kingdom Government to increase the budget now that Scotland is to be included in the programme?

Let me say first that I was happy to accept the invitation from Bertie Ahern to visit him in Dublin on Monday and I look forward to those discussions. I can also confirm for Dennis Canavan that I will not only reread the committee's report but raise many of the issues that it contains.

Discussions are under way on the sort of co-operation that could take place between any devolved Government in Northern Ireland, the Government of the Republic of Ireland and our devolved Government in Scotland. In the current climate, it would be wrong—as I am sure everyone can imagine—to divulge the nature of those discussions, because big decisions on whether to commit to devolution are still to be made by the parties in Northern Ireland. However, we all hope that the parties will make that commitment and, for when they do, the devolved Government in Scotland stands ready to help them to build devolution in Northern Ireland and to make it as successful as devolution in Scotland has been.

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Climate Change (Stern Review)

To ask the First Minister what analysis the Scottish Executive has made of the Stern review of the economics of climate change with regard to devolved policy. (S2F-2542)

The Stern review confirms the seriousness of the threat that is posed to the global economy by climate change and provides a compelling case for global action to reduce greenhouse gas emissions. That supports the strong action that we are taking through Scotland's climate change strategy. We are analysing the Stern review to consider how it may further inform the strategy and, in particular, our work with businesses.

Does the First Minister agree that the Stern review basically tells us that we will need to go way beyond the carbon reduction targets that were agreed at Kyoto? Will he confirm that Scotland will consider the Kyoto objectives not as a target but merely as a staging post in our efforts to reduce carbon emissions to mitigate and avert the threats of climate change?

I certainly think that it is obvious from the Stern review and all the other evidence that the world needs to go further than Kyoto. I believe that it is essential that every level of government makes a contribution to that. Our commitment is that Scotland will exceed the proportion of the carbon emissions targets that would automatically apply to Scotland under any population share. We will do that by vigorously implementing our strategy for combating climate change. All ministers are committed to the strategy and we will report to Parliament on it regularly.

I refer members to my entry in the register of interests.

Does the First Minister agree that the Scottish Executive's policies on housing, planning and procurement offer us the chance to start now on Stern's agenda for energy efficiency, microgeneration and decentralised energy? Will he note the cross-party support that exists in the chamber for such action? Will he further agree that if the Executive were to follow the lead that the City of Edinburgh Council has taken, it would be good for Scotland's economy and taxpayers, it would help to tackle fuel poverty and to deliver a secure energy and heat strategy for Scotland and it would lead to significant reductions in our CO2 emissions?

I fully support the important policies that we have introduced to tackle those issues and I praise the City of Edinburgh Council's commitment to ensuring that Edinburgh makes its contribution to that. I also welcome the increasing cross-party support, to which Sarah Boyack referred, for action in this area. Such support is long overdue, but it is good news. I hope that people will be consistent in their support for the measures that will be required, even when those measures are tough.

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Prisons (Overcrowding)

To ask the First Minister what steps the Scottish Executive is taking to reduce the prison population, in light of the identification of prison overcrowding by HM chief inspector of prisons in his recent report. (S2F-2543)

The best way to reduce the prison population is to continue the reduction in crime and to tackle reoffending in order to reduce the number of criminals who need to be locked up.

Nearly 7,000 people are now crowded into our jails—600 more than they are designed to hold—whereas, 20 years ago, we imprisoned scarcely half that number. We have one of the largest prison populations in Europe. With 48 per cent of prisoners serving sentences of three months or less, the Scottish Prison Service admits that, in that time, it can do nothing to address their offending behaviour. Will the First Minister accept that simply locking up more and more people for longer and longer and building more and more prisons is a failed strategy? Will he announce today a target for reducing the prison population and commit to resourcing those alternatives to custody that have a far better impact on turning round offending behaviour and which better protect communities throughout Scotland?

First, we must ensure that we lock up more effectively serious offenders who pose a risk to our society. We are abolishing automatic early release to ensure that our prisons serve that purpose more effectively. Secondly, we must ensure that the community sentences that people are given either as an addition to their prison sentence or as an alternative are stronger and more effective, so that fewer people reoffend. Our justice system is not driven by a target to reduce the number of people who are in prison and we will not just let people out in order to meet such a target. The system must be driven by the objective of reducing and tackling crime in Scotland. It is far more important that we have reduced crime, have improved the clear-up rate, are improving sentencing and are tackling antisocial behaviour.

I will make one further point. If Scottish Socialist Party members would pay their fines, at least three fewer people would have been in prison in Scotland over the past two years.

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Social Work (Careers)

To ask the First Minister what steps can be taken to encourage more people to consider social work as a career path. (S2F-2535)

Implementation of "Changing Lives: Report of the 21st Century Social Work Review" will strengthen social work, create new career opportunities and make social work an even more attractive career option. The number of social workers who are employed by Scottish local authorities is up by 25 per cent since 2001 and vacancy rates are down by more than 25 per cent in the past three years. We will continue to promote social work as a career through national and local media and the fast-track graduate scheme.

Few in the chamber know better than I how rewarding, fulfilling and worth while a career in social work can be. However, those qualities are often lost in the public view and media representation of social workers. Many people in Scotland have the skills and interests to be good social workers. Our local authorities are carrying vacancies in the areas of criminal justice, child protection and community care. How does the First Minister believe that we can get those crucial vacancies filled and, as important, ensure that those who are recruited to the vacancies are retained in the front-line jobs in which they are so needed?

I suspect that we need to do three things to achieve that. First, we must advertise and promote social work as a career. Secondly, we must ensure that graduates who are qualified in social work move quickly into the system and wish to stay there. Thirdly, as our review states, it is crucial that we redefine social work for the 21st century. For that reason, it is important that those who work in social work departments in Scotland—children's services, services for older people and services for offenders and others—have the best possible management and leadership, are well resourced, have the opportunity to enhance their careers, have a clear understanding of the purpose of their job and are praised when they get that job done well. If we do that and have a system that backs it up, social work will be not only more attractive as a career option but more successful as a profession.

Does the First Minister agree that in the Highlands and Islands, in particular, inadequate relocation packages and lack of affordable housing are major barriers to the recruitment and retention of social workers?

I am delighted that the Highlands and Islands are a far more attractive location today than they were perceived to be in the past. The number of people who are moving to and gaining employment in the Highlands and Islands and the number of businesses that are starting in the region are higher than they have ever been. That is a good thing for the Highlands and Islands and for Scotland as a whole, but it creates pressures on the public sector and on housing. We are addressing those pressures both through investment in housing and by providing the infrastructure—especially the water infrastructure—that is required to secure additional housing places.

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Rural Development Plan

To ask the First Minister what steps the Scottish Executive is taking to address delays in the implementation of the rural development plan for Scotland. (S2F-2528)

I agree with John Swinney that the delay is frustrating. We will leave no stone unturned to minimise the impact of the delay in Brussels. Our officials have met the European Commission to consider the new programme and we will continue to work closely with the Commission to secure the best possible outcome for Scotland. We have already announced contingency arrangements for all our rural support schemes and we will continue payments for existing contracts in 2007.

There have been particular concerns about the timing of the less favoured area support scheme payments. Yesterday, Ross Finnie had a constructive meeting with NFU Scotland about this issue and secured support for a proposal that we submitted to the Commission for a payment of £40 million to be made in the spring.

I thank the First Minister for his answer and for the announcement of the £40 million transitional package. Will he explain to Parliament why that arrangement has had to be dragged kicking and screaming out of the Executive during the past few weeks? What assurance can he give Parliament that the Executive will be able to negotiate the deal with the European Union and that he will be able to safeguard the financial support for vulnerable hill farmers under the less favoured area support scheme in 2007 and beyond?

Mr Swinney's assertion is nonsense and, like so many of his comments, exaggerated. We have announced contingency arrangements for payments in 2007 and we have said that we will continue payments for all existing contracts. We are working closely with NFUS, with which we have a good and constructive relationship that allows us to move forward with these issues. That is how we should work in Scotland, rather than behaving in the way in which Mr Swinney does.

Meeting suspended until 14:15.

On resuming—