Self-immolations in Tibet
The final item of business is a members’ business debate on motion S4M-08842, in the name of Maureen Watt, on self-immolations in Tibet. The debate will be concluded without any question being put.
Motion debated,
That the Parliament notes with grave concern that at least 127 Tibetans have self-immolated, often fatally, since February 2009; understands that these actions are largely acts of protest against restrictions on religion, the Tibetan language, access to employment and the degradation of water resources and grazing lands; expresses concern at what it understands has been the state’s attempts to prevent accurate reports of self-immolations reaching the media; condemns what it considers the criminalisation of family members and sometimes witnesses to the incidents; believes that 11 countries urged China to improve the human rights of Tibetans at the UN Human Rights Council in Geneva on 22 October 2013, and commends the work of the Scottish Centre for Himalayan studies at the University of Aberdeen, the Grampian Tibet Support Group and other groups across Scotland in highlighting human rights and supporting cultural and educational links with Tibet and beyond.
18:35
It is quite difficult to follow that historic vote.
I thank all colleagues who signed my motion to allow it to be debated. I also thank the supporters of Tibet who are members of the cross-party group on Tibet and the members of the Tibet support group Grampian for their tireless work in my area in fundraising for cultural and educational projects in Tibet and highlighting human rights issues there to the people of Grampian, sometimes on cold and windy days on Banchory High Street.
My thanks also go to Dr Martin Mills, the director of the Scottish centre for Himalayan research at the University of Aberdeen, whose knowledge of what is happening in the region is a great asset. I thank him for his briefing. I cannot forget the passionate supporters of Tibet from the University of Edinburgh who add much to our cross-party group meetings.
The main reason for bringing the motion to the Parliament is to highlight the extraordinary and distressing actions that some Tibetans are moved to take in protest against Chinese policies in their region. In the past five years, 127 Tibetans have self-immolated—or, in other words, set themselves alight—overwhelmingly resulting in death.
Self-immolation began in 2009. In the early days, it was mainly Buddhist monks in the Tibetan areas of Kham and Amdo, which lie outside the Tibetan autonomous region. The practice began at Kirti monastery in Ngaba. During the Chinese Communist Party’s 18th national party congress in Beijing in November 2012, tragically, almost one Tibetan a day was self-immolating, by which time it was mainly farmers, nomads, students and schoolchildren.
Since then, self-immolation has decreased, but that has mainly been due to extremely draconian oppression by the Chinese authorities. There has been a heavy military crackdown in communities where self-immolations have occurred—restrictions on movement, the closure of satellite communications, restrictions on mobile phones and bans on the sale of SIM cards. In many cases, friends and relatives have been threatened or bribed by authorities so that self-immolations are denied or even covered up. There have been threats that state support and services such as electricity will be withdrawn from whole communities that are associated with self-immolations and that monasteries that have held the funerals of self-immolators will be closed.
It should be said that self-immolation seems to be part of a wider and escalating pattern of protest and public suicide in the People’s Republic of China but, in Tibet, the Chinese authorities view those protests as splittist or about sovereignty. That has led to the collective punishments that I described and the application of the crime of intentional homicide to all those aiding, abetting, encouraging or even photographing self-immolation. There have been widespread communications blackouts, and prison sentences have been imposed for disseminating information on such protests.
As only 4 per cent of any self-immolation protests have involved a demand for independence, we must ask what is driving people to do this. It is a response to restrictions that are being put on religious freedoms, language rights, access to employment and the destruction of water resources and grazing lands by large-scale mining projects.
The restrictions on Buddhist religious life remain one of the dominant bones of contention in Tibetan areas, with the day-to-day management of Buddhist monasteries being increasingly dominated by party officials, and impositions being placed on large religious gatherings.
Language restrictions exist, as Tibetan has been increasingly phased out as the language of instruction in Tibetan state schools, hence the self-immolation by students and—distressingly—schoolchildren.
The pollution of water resources and grazing lands has been the result of the substantial growth in the mining of oil, copper and gold resources, which has also resulted in the large-scale relocation of populations. Airport construction has also attracted self-immolation protests, along with other forms of protests. For example, the construction of Gannan airport has been resisted because it has involved building on a mountain that is sacred to local Tibetans.
The Chinese Government has been encouraging unrestricted migration into the Tibetan region, and this has been particularly noticeable in urban Lhasa.
In reading up for this debate, I was struck by the writing of Tsering Woeser, an ethnic Tibetan human rights activist who was educated in Beijing and who, as a result of her abilities in Mandarin and English, has been able to communicate to the outside world the plight of her people and what she calls the Chinese Government’s attempts at “beautifying” Lhasa, the Tibetan capital, which involves modern infrastructure being built at the expense of the city’s historical architecture. Woeser has called on the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization to stop the destruction of the ancient city of Lhasa, which is part of the destruction of the traditional Tibetan landscape, environment and culture.
There have been many delegations to China, led by the First Minister, the Cabinet Secretary for Culture and External Affairs and other members of the Scottish Government. How can we persuade the Chinese authorities that the repression of culture is not a sustainable way forward in any country? Would the cabinet secretary consider writing to UNESCO to encourage it to do more to protect Tibetan heritage sites, and thereby the culture, and negate the pressure that results in some Tibetans feeling the need to undertake the horrific act of self-immolation?
18:42
As a member of the cross-party group on Tibet, I am keen to contribute to this important debate on the subject of self-immolation by those who protest against the questionable human rights record of China in the region.
I thank Maureen Watt for securing parliamentary time to consider the significant issues that are raised in the motion. I acknowledge her long-standing record of campaigning on human rights breaching, which she should be rightly proud of—[Interruption.] I am sorry, but I have forgotten my written speech and am doing it from my phone. I ask members to bear with me.
Through my work with the group, I have become increasingly aware of the practice of self-immolation. I understand that 127 instances of self-immolation have been recorded in Tibet since 2009. In many cases, this form of protest is fatal, and it illustrates the increasing desperation of Tibetans, who have suffered extreme oppression at the hands of the Chinese Government.
Perhaps most concerning are the efforts of authorities in the region to conceal the true number of recorded self-immolations, so that the world cannot comprehend the scale of unrest in Tibet.
International observation tells us that restrictions on freedom of religion, degradation of water sources and a curtailment of media reporting are just some of the issues that the Tibetans face.
As Maureen Watt said, it has been reported that family members of those who have self-immolated face criminal charges through their association and that even witnesses to the events can face serious punishment from the Chinese authorities.
It is clear that there is an emerging international consensus to improve the lives of those living in Tibet and to hold China to account for its human rights record in the region. It is only through a greater understanding of the events that are taking place in Tibet that we will be able to build a coalition of resistance against oppression and state interference in the lives of those living there.
I acknowledge the excellent work that has been carried out by the Scottish centre for Himalayan research at the University of Aberdeen and the Tibet support group Grampian to highlight the extraordinary human rights abuses that often go unnoticed in the region. Work such as that will be instrumental in highlighting the daily struggles of Tibetans and can be part of the wider efforts to bring about a sustainable solution to the continuing abuses of the Tibetan population by the Chinese authorities. I thank Maureen Watt again for bringing the issue to the Parliament and I apologise again for reading my speech from my phone and not my paper copy.
18:46
I thought that we were all meant to have our telephones switched off.
I congratulate Maureen Watt on securing time for the motion and raising an extremely important issue that really needs to be debated.
As we are all aware, the situation in Tibet has, for a long time, been very unstable. Recent increases in self-immolations, and subsequent actions taken by the Chinese authorities, mark a further decline in the region, which is highly unfortunate.
I echo the words of Hugo Swire, Minister of State at the Foreign and Commonwealth Office, in calling for unrestricted access for international media, diplomats, help organisations and charities to Tibet. Transparency in Tibet, and access for the surrounding world, could have a cooling-down effect on both sides, which might de-escalate the situation and prevent further tragic loss of life.
Reports point out that the majority of recent self-immolations are the result of everyday oppression of the right of Tibetans to practise their religion and of severe restrictions on the use of the Tibetan language. As the Tibetan people are a minority group in China, with a distinct language, cultural heritage and religion, they are, by international law and conventions, protected against discrimination and allowed to practise their religion. That is clearly set out in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the Vienna declaration. With respect, it is deeply regrettable that the Chinese authorities seem to be ignoring even the most basic human rights of the Tibetan people.
With China’s recent election to the United Nations Human Rights Council, I sincerely hope to see a changed approach from the Chinese authorities towards the Tibetans. Furthermore, I strongly believe that the respect of universal human rights will lay an important cornerstone in the stability and harmony of the region—something that Tibet and its people deserve.
China’s rise to being one of the great powerhouses of our age is truly remarkable. However, history has shown time and again that without social progress, economic growth and the consolidation of that growth will not be sustainable. By respecting the human rights of not only Tibetans but all the ethnicities within its vast borders, China will remain an economic powerhouse. That is surely in China’s own interest, but it could also help to stabilise the whole region, which, without doubt, would be in the interests of us all.
The suffering of the Tibetan people must come to an end. Mighty China should ensure that all its citizens have the rights they deserve. Both sides should refrain from violence and extreme forms of protesting, so that any further loss of life can be avoided.
I am convinced that if the Tibetans, with their age-old culture, and the Chinese work together as equals, great things will be achieved. By allowing the Tibetans to practise their own religion and live in accordance with their culture, the region will stabilise and harmony will replace chaos and oppression.
Just before we move on, I should clarify that the Presiding Officer has ruled that electronic equipment can be used in the chamber to aid speeches. The discourtesy would be in using electronic equipment for other purposes. I call Alison Johnstone, to be followed by Roderick Campbell.
18:50
I am very pleased that we are having what I believe is the first debate on Tibet in the Scottish Parliament. Many thanks go to Maureen Watt for bringing this important issue to the chamber and to all those who campaign on these issues.
The cross-party group on Tibet has published an extremely detailed and helpful briefing. The difficulties of obtaining much of the information must have been vast, both logistically, in the face of a communications blackout, and emotionally, in the face of this distressing topic.
What I was most struck by in the briefing was the fact that these self-immolations are not an irrational or spontaneous form of protest. People might have felt desperate, but they have thought long and hard about their options; they are people who have planned their self-immolation, often in great detail, and who feel that it is the best option available to change the appalling situation that they and their friends and family find themselves in.
The self-immolations have been in response to the huge human and environmental costs of large-scale mining operations, the replacement of the Tibetan language with Mandarin in schools and severe restrictions on Buddhist religious life.
The briefing for the debate describes the lack of religious freedom as the
“linchpin of Tibetan protest, and the central focus of Tibetan self-immolators’ grievances.”
The spike in self-immolations at the time of the national party congress when power was handed over to the new generation of leaders demonstrates how politically aware the protests are. Twenty-seven people self-immolated almost on the same day. It is very difficult for us to imagine what it is like to decide that self-immolation is the best course available; it demonstrates the extreme stress and the repressive conditions that Tibetans are living under.
The other striking thing about these protests has been the state response—the attempted information blackout and the attempt to portray protesters as manipulated victims or mentally ill. Protests have been followed by a police crackdown and mobile phone networks have been shut down, internet cafes have been closed and satellite dishes have been destroyed, all to prevent communication.
Garte Jigme, a monk and author, was sentenced to five years in prison for drafting a book about the self-immolations. Laws have been passed to criminalise self-immolators’ friends and families in an attempt to brand the protesters as victims of coercion. The charge of “intentional homicide”, to which Maureen Watt referred in the motion, has been used against monks who are said to have encouraged self-immolation and people who have uploaded pictures after the event.
How should we react to this? What should we in Scotland do? China is a major, growing trade partner. The Scottish Government celebrated Chinese new year by announcing Scottish exports to China worth £560 million in 2013. We should ensure that we use these important trade links to promote human rights. Scotland is rightly proud of its internationalist outlook and we should make use of that to create a positive impact on people’s lives.
I know that respect for human rights and the rule of law is seen as a guiding principle in the Government’s China strategy. I ask the cabinet secretary to elaborate, as far as she can, on how that principle is embedded in the Scottish Government’s relationship with China. I also hope that the Government will be open to receiving any Tibetan political leaders who visit Scotland in the future.
We are a small country but an internationalist one. We should be supporting human rights at every turn, in Tibet today, and in the rest of China, too, where many people face similar problems, not least the Uyghurs in north-west China.
18:54
I refer members to my registered interest as a member of Amnesty International. I welcome the opportunity to speak in the debate and I congratulate my colleague and co-member of the cross-party group, Maureen Watt, on bringing the debate to the chamber. Like Maureen, I thank the University of Edinburgh’s Tibet group for its work with the cross-party group.
Like many others, back in October I was pleased to see the United Nations Human Rights Council discuss the situation in Tibet. As Maureen Watt indicated, 11 countries at that summit, including the United Kingdom, urged China to make improvements in terms of respecting the human rights of the people of Tibet. It has been only four months since that call was made, so it is difficult to tell whether it has made any impact, but judging by the Chinese Government’s response it has not taken that criticism well. Within days of the summit in October, the Chinese Government accused the international community of trying to politicise human rights and said:
“The best persons to know human rights in China are Chinese.”
In this war of words, it is essential to be able to see both sides of the story. That certainly does not mean that the Tibetans’ plight is in any way more tolerable, or that there is an easy solution to be found. From the Chinese point of view, Tibet is and always has been part of the People’s Republic of China and China therefore feels that it should have a say in the Tibetan system of government, including the selection of the Dalai Lama, whom Tibetans traditionally believe to be a reincarnation of the previous Dalai Lama.
The situation is often portrayed as a battle for Tibetan political independence. That view is mistaken, according to the Dalai Lama himself, who said on Sunday:
“A non-violence method cannot have a one-side victory and one-side defeat. Then confrontation will come leading to violence. With this belief, we are not seeking independence from the People’s Republic of China.”
The heart of the problem, therefore, is not a simple matter of political sovereignty, but rather China’s oppression of Tibetan culture, traditions and structures of semi-autonomous government. As a highly centralised, nominally communist state, it is hardly surprising that China, pushing for uniformity across its territories, should be accused of an aversion to cultural and political diversity. However, there is never any excuse for the abuse of human rights: established codes that are accepted by a vast majority around the world as basic standards for human decency and compassion.
Self-immolation is a horrific and desperate cry for help that those fortunate enough to live in a democracy can hardly begin to understand. When 127 people are prepared to literally set themselves on fire for their cause, other countries must take heed and exert appropriate pressure, whether that be diplomatic or otherwise.
The Dalai Lama has called for a non-violent resolution to the conflict. As I understand it, a satisfactory resolution for His Holiness would simply be an end to the oppression and persecution of Tibetans at the hands of the Chinese authorities and respect for Tibet’s cultural, social, religious and political autonomy within China. That is not an unreasonable goal.
At this time of significant economic change and political reform in China—a time when China is forging ever stronger trade links with western countries—we must make it absolutely clear at every opportunity that human rights must be respected. China is changing and it can and should seize the opportunity to change its approach in Tibet.
We should all hope that a non-violent resolution to the conflict can be achieved, not just because it is in the interests of the Tibetan people and their right to self-determination, but also because it is in the long-term interests of China. Instead of being seen as a sinister oppressor of diversity, China will become a respecter of human rights and a responsible global citizen with whom the international community will have no reservations about doing business. Respecting the rights of the Tibetan people to celebrate their own culture and organise freely will benefit Tibet and China alike. The first step on that path is an end to persecution. With persistence and dedication, I am sure we all hope that that sensible message will take root in Beijing.
18:59
I thank members for their contributions to this important debate. There is worldwide recognition of Scotland’s commitment to democracy, the rule of law and fundamental human rights, all of which I would like to bring to bear on the debate.
Scotland uses its international engagement as an opportunity to help increase respect for and understanding of human rights worldwide, not through lecturing but through pragmatic discussion with our international partners about how we can support their progress towards being states that respect and progressively realise human rights.
I note that there are widespread and long-standing concerns in Tibet about freedom of religion, linguistic rights, access to employment and the right to water, all of which were ably set out by Maureen Watt. Let me be clear that the Scottish Government condemns human rights abuses, wherever they occur. Upholding basic civil and political rights is a core duty of the state, and individuals must be free to celebrate their cultural traditions and demonstrate their faith in any society.
The Scottish Government is committed to engaging with the Chinese Government on human rights as part of our overall engagement. It is only through engaging with China that we can expand our relationship to bring benefits to both countries, to help bring positive change to human rights throughout China and hope to solve global challenges such as climate change and poverty.
China’s five-year plan outlines ambitious plans for balanced and sustainable economic growth, promoting social equality, environmental protection and energy conservation. In developing the Scottish Government’s China strategy, I was keen that it should complement China’s plan for growth. That is why respect for human rights and the rule of law is one of the four guiding principles that we set out upfront in our China strategy, and those principles will underpin all Scotland’s dealings with China.
Scotland is justly proud of its reputation for ethical business practices and knows that human rights and the rule of law are key to long-term economic success and social stability. Through adherence to the guiding principles of the China strategy, we will continue to support China’s process of modernisation and internal reform and the need to balance the demands of economic development with social justice.
I was greatly saddened by the disturbing reports that at least 127 Tibetans have self-immolated, often fatally, since February 2009. Self-immolation is a dramatic and desperate gesture and we urge the Chinese Government to work with local monasteries and communities to resolve the underlying grievances that have led to these self-immolations. We call upon all parties to engage in substantive dialogue to address Tibetan concerns and relieve tension.
When the Scottish Government has had human rights concerns we have raised them and will continue to do so. When the First Minister was in Beijing in 2011, he spoke in the Communist Party Central School about Adam Smith and the lessons he has to teach us about modern issues such as climate justice. We have taken practical action to support that agenda in the form of a £3 million climate justice fund and we will continue to demonstrate leadership in championing climate justice at home and abroad.
On his most recent visit, the First Minister again used the philosophies of Adam Smith to argue that social progress must accompany economic progress. In a speech to the prestigious Tsinghua University, the First Minister said that the balance between the two approaches in Smith’s “The Wealth of Nations” and “The Theory of Moral Sentiments” demonstrates that the social cohesion brought about by a fairer society is crucial to building sustainable and balanced economic recovery.
Maureen Watt made an important point about UNESCO heritage and I will consider what can be done in that regard.
When I visited China as cabinet secretary for education, I raised the Scottish Government’s concerns about freedom of religious expression, transparency and access, and the situation in Tibet, during a meeting with China’s vice-minister of education. I did so again in my current role during a meeting with the Chinese consul general in May 2012.
Part of the conversation about human rights takes place between states, but engaging with the international human rights system is also a key part of the process for any modern, responsible nation. Scotland has welcomed this scrutiny through the UN’s universal periodic review of the UK’s observance and implementation of international human rights standards in 2012. Through that process, the members of the UNHRC noted and welcomed our strengths as well as identifying areas in which there might be further progress. China has also recently gone through that very process. The fact that China submits itself to that form of international scrutiny is encouraging and I hope that it will lead to positive developments in China, as it takes on board and seeks to implement the recommendations it has accepted.
All countries across the world are grappling with how they might ensure better protection of, respect for and realisation of human rights. Scotland is no different. Members will recall the launch of and debate on “Scotland’s National Action Plan for Human Rights”—our first—on 10 December, international human rights day. A key outcome of the plan is a better world, which will be delivered by ensuring that Scotland
“gives effect to its international obligations at home and”
abroad, and that we
“respect, protect and fulfil human rights in our international action.”
In Scotland and overseas the Scottish people do things differently—not merely because we can, but because we want to. We are a modern, responsible nation preparing to join the global community of nations as an equal member.
The Scottish Government is committed to creating a Scotland that realises human rights and plays its part to create a world in which the human rights of all are protected, respected and realised. We want to have a different conversation here. Scotland has a good story to tell and best practice to share with the rest of the world—just as we have much to learn from others.
Meeting closed at 19:05.