Members will recall that we invited responses from the Minister for Community Safety and Legal Affairs, the chief constable and the Lord Advocate to issues that have been raised in correspondence to members about the operation of the Offensive Behaviour at Football and Threatening Communications (Scotland) Act 2012. The responses are included in paper 6, along with a further response from the fans against criminalisation group.
It seems to me that the responses from the minister, Police Scotland and the Crown do not address whether the 2012 act is working better in practice than the previous legislation. That is the nub of the problem, so I do not think that we are any further forward.
I dissent strongly from what Margaret Mitchell has just said. I said all along that I supported the legislation but was keen that we addressed the concerns that were raised with us. I think that, given this healthy bundle of papers that is about 2 inches deep, we have a lot of information, which the clerks confirm is in the public domain.
Yes, of course it does. The Lord Advocate’s letter is in the public domain.
Right. The letter uses terms such as “f***”. If the letter is in the public domain, people will clearly find a range of things in it offensive, and I hope that all reasonable fans would condemn them. The Lord Advocate’s letter says:
It is also important to say that the Lord Advocate says:
Absolutely. It is clear that I have highlighted many passages in many reports, and I could go on at length, but I will not. I am reassured that both the minister and the Lord Advocate have said that it is wrong to downplay the fact that police officers are victims. If someone has something deeply offensive to say, it should not make any difference whether or not the individual who receives the abuse is a police officer. The fact that 13.1 per cent of the charges relate to police officers as victims makes no difference at all.
I am still struck by the divergence of understanding between Police Scotland and prosecutors, for example, on one side, and supporters organisations on the other, so I tend to favour a one-off evidence session if we could fit it in. We could try to get supporters organisations in to voice their concerns and go through those with other organisations to try to ensure that there is engagement, as John Finnie would say.
I do not have a lot to add. I concur with everything that John Finnie said. Having asked for a further update from the Lord Advocate and the minister et al, and having read the reports, particularly with regard to police officers who have been on the receiving end—we have evidence on that—we have fulfilled what we were asked to do. No further action needs to be taken to move things forward. The committee asked to look at two full football seasons in the first place. We got what we asked for in an amendment, and we should carry that forward. I do not see the point of bringing forward an ad hoc committee or having evidence sessions with football fans.
Some of this appears to me to be complaints about the way that police are doing stuff. It would be interesting to know how many complaints have been lodged with the police about how they are operating the legislation. That would be useful to know because we have recommended that, when action has been heavy handed, out of context or whatever we like to call it, the first port of call should be to lodge a complaint. How do members feel about that?
Convener, there is huge frustration associated with the matter. To be frank, people need to put up or shut up. A number of serious accusations were made and then people would not co-operate with the police to investigate them. We need to have a rigorous system for investigating any suggestions of wrongdoing in the police, but that requires people to co-operate.
I am, actually. If there is stuff going on to do with operational policing, I am saying—
Convener—
Bear with me.
It was not that I was butting in. I had not finished and then you butted in on me.
I do that occasionally. I get to butt.
Yes, I know. You are the convener and we allow it. That is the role of the convener.
Well, other people do it, too.
To pick up on John Finnie’s point, among the emails we had evidence of people who complained but, when the police tried to contact them, never got back to the police. There were people from Cyprus and various other parts of the world—not necessarily local people—and a number of the complaints had nothing to do with the act but were to do with policing arrangements. We have already had notification of people who have complained but did not follow it up. How do we get people to follow complaints up? It is not the committee’s job.
No, no. As I have said on the record, if there are complaints about how the legislation is being operated, as distinct from other matters, it would be useful if people put them to the police with a narrative about what happened. Then we would have some meat.
I think that they know that.
Convener, you know that I think that the legislation was ill judged and rushed through in an unconsidered way, so it will not surprise you that I think that we need an early review of it. There is a danger of a breakdown of trust between one group of people and the police. That, in itself, should concern us. I support Elaine Murray’s suggestion that we ought at least to consider an evidence-taking session to take the matter further.
Who do we ask?
Just bear with me a minute. John Pentland wants to say something.
Since we last discussed the matter two weeks ago, the goalposts have certainly changed for a couple of the committee members. I agree with Alison McInnes that there is a breakdown of trust and that the best way to recover from that is to push for an early review of the act or, as a last resort, to support Elaine Murray’s proposal that we have an early evidence-taking session. Although we said that we would like there to be consensus, we will have to take a vote somewhere down the line or we will discuss it from now until the two years for the review are up.
I understand the call for an evidence-taking session but I am just trying to work out what the purpose of it would be in relation to the legislation. It could not be for people to make complaints about the way the police were handling things and to say in front of us that the police did X, Y and Z, because that would be a matter for the police to deal with, not the Justice Committee, whatever the legislation. What would the purpose be and how would it relate to the legislation, not operational policing?
It would relate to the last round of emails that we received, which started the negotiations.
Some of those emails concerned operational matters, though, and involved domestic abuse, which has nothing to do with the legislation.
However, that is what was taken up with us and that is why committee members called for an early move on it.
I do not want to repeat what everybody else has said, but engagement between both sides would be a good idea, irrespective of what we decide about taking evidence. Also, although in our correspondence there are references to issues that should give rise to the possibility of complaints to the police about how the individuals were handled, there seems to be no indication that anyone has used the complaints procedure. If people have issues, they should use the police complaints procedure.
Of all the items that the committee has dealt with, this is one on which we are damned regardless of what we do. I certainly feel that, anyway.
I am just trying to think about how to find the middle way, as someone said. Would it be appropriate to hear from the Minister for Community Safety and Legal Affairs before we get other people in—
No—
I hear you, but I am trying to find a way for the committee to come to an agreement. My concern is to keep the operational issue separate from the act—and it is difficult to separate the two. Parliamentarians must not start dealing with operational policing.
I was not at previous meetings, but I read all the evidence and I agree with John Finnie that the committee must be very careful to send the right message to the supporters who are out there. They need to engage with FoCUS. If we decide to take evidence or do anything of the sort, all those people who have not engaged with FoCUS will not do so. I would prefer to send a strong message to them that they need to engage with the process.
I do not think that committee members are ever going to agree. We should just go to a vote.
I have not suggested any solutions yet. Let me give members options: we could have a one-off evidence session with the Minister for Community Safety and Legal Affairs; we could appoint a reporter or group of reporters to investigate the issues further on our behalf; or we could explore the options for seeking the establishment of a committee to consider the issue. There is the pick and mix; if members want to add suggestions, tell me.
I suggest that we take no further action.
Right, so the options are: no further action—I do not know whether this is multiple choice—
On a point of order, convener.
There are no points of order in committees, but I will let you make one. I love to say that.
I just want to say that we will be taking further action, because, as with everything that we do, we are monitoring the issue and we are aware that a report will come back to us. I know that Sandra White means that we should do nothing at the moment, but in any case we are not ignoring the issue. The review is coming and we are very interested in it. It is about how we phrase it. I propose that we wait for the completion of the academic report.
No further action pro tem, until the review is complete. Is that what you are saying?
Yes.
Okay.
Right. The options are: no further action pro tem; one-off evidence session; appointment of a reporter or reporters; establishment of an ad hoc committee. Have I missed anything out of the list? I am not sure how we should do this—
May I comment? I proposed that we have an ad hoc committee precisely because of the situation that we are in. There is clearly an issue. An early review is desirable, and the Justice Committee does not have the capacity to do it, because we are already overloaded. I thought that establishment of an ad hoc committee would be a sensible way forward, to tease out the issues.
Who wants to take further action at this stage and who does not?
I am in the most difficult position. I would like to see something in between what you all want to do. We have had a vote with four for and four against, but my concern is that we have not been able to find out whether those who are aggrieved—and may be rightly aggrieved—have had any working connection with the folk at FoCUS. I would like to know that before we decide what to do. We are saying that not everyone has engaged, but if they have and they have been unsuccessful, it is important to know that. Could we find that out first and then come back to this? If people have engaged and it has been a waste of time, that is fine—we will have found something out. However, if they have not engaged, we will also have found something out.
The people who were aggrieved emailed all of us in great numbers about what they were aggrieved about. They knew that FoCUS was there, and they could have contacted it. We have the figures of people who made complaints, yet when those people were contacted they did not follow those complaints up. I think that that is evidence enough.
I want to know whether they have engaged with FoCUS or whatever—what is it called again?
Surely the proper way to do that is to put out a call for evidence and hear from people.
We usually find out. Perhaps we should ask whether FoCUS plans to give written evidence. We usually have written evidence before we—
I think that we are just stringing this out.
Absolutely. We could string it out for ever.
No, we are not. I am loth to call people for evidence if, when we ask them whether they engaged with FoCUS, the first answer to the first question would be no.
Surely there are so many questions other than that.
I would like a one-off evidence session for the Minister for Community Safety and Legal Affairs. I will be honest: I do not want to go straight to a review of evidence or something before we have tested it further.
No.
You will have to put it to a vote. It is a difficult one.
That is my proposal. Who is prepared to have the minister along first? Am I on my own?
It is an improvement on nothing.
Right. So we will do that.
Can we get to vote?
The result is five votes to four. We will have the minister in on either 18 or 25 February.
I want to make an objection. You asked whether we agreed to see the minister first. I object to the use of the word “first”, because we need to send a strong message to the people who are not engaging that they need to engage. We cannot have them out there saying, “That’s fine; we don’t need to engage.”
Our discussion about whether people have engaged is on the record. We expect them to engage and we wish them to do that, but our next step is to do what the majority has decided, which is to have the minister along for a one-off session on it shortly. A short one-off meeting will be fine.
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