Official Report 397KB pdf
Good morning, ladies and gentlemen, and welcome to the 21st meeting in 2013 of the Economy, Energy and Tourism Committee. I welcome all members and witnesses as well as those in the public gallery.
Good morning. My question is directed to Richard Escott. We have read what you say in your written submission about marine licensing and the appeals process. Will you elaborate on it for the committee? You seem to take the view that there should not be an appeals process.
The position that we are trying to put across is not that there should not be an appeals process; it is more that we are keen that in any process that we go through, from a consenting and development perspective, we should have clarity of what will happen from end to end.
Do you see the provision as a potential obstacle or obstruction to future investment?
We do. We see it as an additional hurdle that potentially needs to be crossed. We have to consider how we would plan for the eventuality and what would happen if we had two appeals running simultaneously. We whole-heartedly support the concept that, if an error has been made at some point in the process that we have gone through, there should be an opportunity for that to be addressed. However, we do not want different ways of addressing it. If there were a single appeals process that covered the entire consenting process, that would be fine. Our concern is that the provision potentially creates two pathways.
Your solution is to have a single process rather than two parallel ones.
That is correct.
Does RSPB Scotland have a view on that?
Our view is similar in some respects. We are after clarity and certainty on the matter. The situation that has arisen is illustrative of some of the difficulties that we face with appeals processes generally. We have long advocated that there should be a general review of appeals, looking at other sectors as well, and that there would be real benefits in having a more general environmental tribunal system or environmental court system that could pick up on all the different appeals. That could be developed as part of a more comprehensive review of appeals generally.
I think that Richard Escott was making the point that the due process is a long, protracted one before we even get to an appeal stage. I assume that organisations such as RSPB would gear themselves up prior to that so that you would be prepared. Is six weeks not a reasonable timescale?
Sure. As far as RSPB is concerned, I would hope that we would be ready. We have been engaged in a great deal of detail with every offshore renewables developments proposal that has been introduced. In fact, I met some of Richard Escott’s colleagues yesterday in Perth to have a general catch-up on a number of different cases, so we certainly are engaged from an early stage.
Does the Law Society have a legal view on this?
Yes. It might be helpful to say that the Law Society is not arguing for an increase in the six-week period. However, it is important to bear it in mind that any challenge—both under the existing legislation and this bill if passed—can be made only on a point of law. In a very real way, any challenger only knows whether they have a case when they get the decision in their hand. Prior to that point, they will not necessarily have warning that there might be a need to gear up for a challenge in the Court of Session.
Is it your view that six weeks is sufficient time to make a case?
The planning system, for example, is used to a six-week deadline; it is a familiar timescale and we are not asking for an extension. Certain things can be done to improve the process, such as preliminaries—things known in England as letters before action. They can be dealt with in the context of the civil justice review. We are not arguing for a longer period, but it is important to note that it would not be correct for the committee to think that a challenger could think about an appeal prior to receiving the decision.
Aedán Smith, you said that you maybe wanted environmental tribunals and that you agreed with what Richard Escott said about judicial review. Are you suggesting another strand in the appeals process, or would having all appeals under the one framework of judicial review suit your purposes?
I think the latter. It would be a matter of simplifying the current appeals landscape, because there are so many routes that it is possible to go down for different regimes and types of development.
On preservation, the RSPB submission talked about
We absolutely support economic growth; we need it as an organisation and our members need it to pay for their memberships of RSPB. However, the aim must be to support economic growth within environmental limits. There is a limit to how much our natural environment can be exploited. In certain situations, we need to be aware of that and respect the limits, so that it is not about growth without—
My question is: in your opinion, does growth or development take priority?
I think that they need to be considered collectively. Sustainable development, which is a well-established term, is certain to take into account social, economic and environmental factors, so it is possible in some situations to have both economic growth and improvements to the environment.
That sounds like a possible “maybe”.
We are talking about a major project. In a way, our suggestions would entail a major redesign of the Scottish state. That is already happening in the context of some administrative law. We are suggesting that there is certainly a case—as Aedán Smith alluded to—for including environmental decisions in that structure in order to address questions of specialisation and complexity. However, we are not making any glib suggestions. We are putting it forward as a project that should be tackled.
Chic Brodie touched on the new duty in respect of sustainable economic growth. Alison Johnstone has a question on that.
I will direct my first question to Frances McChlery, if I may. The Law Society’s submission expresses concern over uncertainty about what the phrase actually means and you note that
My answer might become quite subtle.
Thank you. I will direct a similar question to Aedán Smith.
My concern is similar to Frances McChlery’s, in many ways. I guess that we are worried that the duty might lead to confusion for regulators, because it does not have the same weight of clear definition as the term “sustainable development”. There has been a lot of discussion about the meaning of sustainable development itself over the last few decades, but there are now fairly well understood definitions. Sustainable economic growth is a much newer concept: although there are some definitions out there, they are not nearly as widely known or understood.
Would it be more appropriate to guide regulators to the national performance framework as the basis for regulation?
That would be much clearer, because the framework includes a dashboard of indicators. I guess that, as part of the Government group of agencies and so on, it is headed in that direction, but at least that would be more consistent with what is already out there. The way in which the sustainable economic growth duty is put into the bill does not appear to be consistent with other things that are out there.
I have a question for Frances McChlery on the same subject. Would a definition of sustainable economic growth be of assistance?
I would want to see a definition before I could answer that. It is possible that a definition might assist. There is guidance on sustainable development, but that is not a particularly good read from a lawyer’s point of view—it describes things in terms of being a bit on the one hand or the other because sustainable development personifies and defines a balancing process in deciding in each case whether the answer is a yes or a no.
On the same theme, it seems that we are discussing two terms in the abstract. Although people seem to be happy with sustainable development, they are not happy with sustainable economic growth. Will the witnesses give a practical illustration that helps to make the point? Can they conceive of a situation in which a regulator would be confused were they to apply the duty of sustainable economic growth but would not be confused if, by contrast, they were to apply a duty of sustainable development? Do you have practical examples of how that concern could give rise to problems?
I could suggest something. We are accustomed to taking decisions in the planning and electricity systems that are entirely spatial in nature; the decisions all relate to the environment—where something is placed and its effect on the space that it will occupy. As we have developed our approach to wind farms—in which both the planning and electricity systems play a role—that has been influenced by climate change and related targets. That becomes empirical and facts and figures are needed.
I accept your point that economic growth should perhaps not be considered at all, but can you explain how—
Do not misunderstand me: I am certainly not saying that. I am saying that sustainable development already includes the concept of economic growth.
If sustainable development already includes the concept of economic growth, where is the problem in merely restating it using slightly different words?
I think that it is a step too far and it skews the balance. My main concern is that the term introduces confusion both in the minds of those who are trying to get permissions, who want to know what they have to do, and in the mind of the regulator. The problem is the confusion rather than the terminology.
I am still unclear. The consensus appears to be, “Economic development—good; economic growth—bad.” I am still quite unclear about the difference between the two terms. What makes sustainable economic growth objectionable that is not implicit in sustainable development?
I think that you might be making my point for me. That is the confusion. I certainly am unclear, and I imagine that others who might seek to use the legislation would be unclear.
It seems to me that I could ask which of those three words people do not understand. We all understand “sustainable”, we all understand “economic” and we all understand “growth”, yet the term “sustainable economic growth” seems to be giving rise to an undue amount of confusion. I am almost tempted to think that witnesses are perhaps protesting too much on this point.
Does Mr Smith want to respond?
I just want to make the point that we have absolutely no objection to economic growth if it is not considered in isolation. Promoting economic growth while taking into account environmental limits and the social impacts of economic growth is what sustainable development is all about. If the definition of sustainable economic growth was to be the same as the already clearly established, well debated and fairly well understood definitions of sustainable development, the matter would not be of concern to us. However, we do not currently have a clear definition of sustainable economic growth that makes that connection, whereas we have quite well established definitions of sustainable development.
Three members want to ask supplementary questions. I call Marco Biagi first.
Can you envisage scenarios whereby the addition of the duty to promote sustainable economic growth makes challengeable in court a decision that would not currently be challengeable?
Yes.
Can you go into detail on that?
The essential principle behind any legal challenge is whether the decision maker has had regard to the right legal criteria and relevant material. The consideration of sustainable economic growth seems to me to be one of the most debatable pieces of potentially relevant material that I have seen in 25 years of doing this kind of law. If you have a decision that you object to and you are sending it to your lawyers, one thing that you will now look at is whether the duty to promote sustainable economic growth has been correctly applied. In my view, that will be highly contestable either way.
What will be the impact of the change that has happened during the development of the bill whereby the duty on regulators to promote sustainable economic growth is now qualified by the wording
That makes things worse rather than better. As SNH has said to the committee, it already takes into account, in its criteria, development and the potential benefits that will flow from development. Everyone who is taking a decision does that. Suddenly, some kind of contest or ranking will now be introduced. In my personal view, given that my problem with the wording is about clarity, that modification does not really help.
Having said that this issue has an effect on how challengeable the legislation is, can you sketch out a specific example or two of where that could happen?
To go back to the example that I gave previously, people who got involved in a contested application would have to give additional evidence about economics and economic growth; that is where the problem would arise. Perhaps I do not appreciate what your question is.
You said that the addition of the duty would make more decisions challengeable. I am trying to imagine what scenarios would throw up a challenge in court after this legislation had passed that would not have been thrown up before.
The question would be whether the decision maker had had correct regard—or any regard—to sustainable economic growth. The wording adds a new area of exploration for lawyers.
What sort of plaintiffs would that be likely to throw up?
Parties might be thrown up on either side. It is important to understand the scope of making a major proposal under any of the measures: we are talking about big, very expensive projects. Developers will have to invest in establishing that their proposal supports sustainable economic growth, as opposed to just sustainable development, which is inherent in everything that they are doing.
I know that you want to move on to other matters, convener. This is my final throw on the semantics.
You have to remember that you are asking a lawyer.
I am conscious of that—that is why I put the question in that way.
I genuinely do not know what sustainable economic growth means.
You must know—you said that
I know what sustainable development means; I know what it means internationally and in Scotland, because it is in the planning acts and there is statutory guidance from ministers. However, I do not know what sustainable economic growth means; I do not know whether it means something different.
Are you prepared to consider it as a factor and a characteristic in sustainable economic development?
Can you say that again?
You say you do not know what it means, but you described it earlier: you said that
If you remember, I alluded to the point that was made to the committee by SNH, which is quite clear that the new duty will not make any difference to it. I am happy that SNH should feel that way. I do not agree that that would be the case for everybody else; I think that the wording introduces confusion.
Thank you.
I would like to get some clarity on the issue. You are saying that sustainable development is understood, recognised and defined and that everybody knows where they are, so we need to assume that sustainable economic growth is something different. The words in the bill are “sustainable economic growth”, not “sustainable development”.
As any definition might well help to address the concern about confusion that I and others have, my answer must be yes.
I, too, think that a definition would help but, given that sustainable development encompasses economic development, I wonder whether we need to bother with the proposed term.
Are you saying that you would be happier with the term “sustainable development”, which is recognised and used and which covers economic growth, instead of moving to something quite different whose definition we are not very sure about?
Yes, because that approach would not give rise to the confusion that we are concerned about.
Richard Escott has been sitting quietly. For the sake of completeness, does SSE have a view?
SSE and developers look for clarity on the hurdles that we have to go over. My primary focus is on offshore development. As far as that is concerned, our industry is in its infancy and we are trying to demonstrate how we satisfy all existing requirements as we go through the consents process. That is proving to be exceptionally challenging, because the science and research are in their infancy in a lot of areas. As a result, we are struggling with many different dynamics.
That was helpful. We have given that topic a pretty good kick of the ball and we will move on to planning fees.
Good morning. The bill provides for variations in planning fees to penalise underperforming planning authorities. Aedán Smith and the Law Society of Scotland have said that they are not in favour of such penalising. Why have you taken that position and what are your fears?
In our discussions, we found ourselves in alignment with many other people who were concerned about whether the proposed approach would address the problem effectively. That is our fundamental concern. If a local authority planning service is failing, not meeting its targets or doing a poor job, stripping it of its resources is the least helpful and least constructive way of addressing the issue.
Our view is very similar. If a planning authority is already struggling, there is a good chance that that is because of a lack of finances in the first place. Punishing it financially therefore seems to be the wrong way to deal with the matter.
What is your view on how to monitor performance? Is an underperforming planning authority one that does not meet the timescales for turning around applications? How do you measure the quality aspect?
I do not know. From my long experience of the planning system, I think that both factors should be present in a well conducted planning service. People should be able to turn things around quickly and manage the service to that effect, but they should also be sure that officers are working towards securing quality of place. If people do not watch out, they can attend to one to the detriment of the other. The trick is to be on the ground ensuring that officers are working well.
Performance is definitely about quality of outcomes rather than the number of applications processed in a set time period. That is for sure; it absolutely has to be the case.
As I said, we interface with a lot of local planning authorities. We have different journeys on different projects in the amount of interaction that is required to get through the process. The problem that we struggle with on some offshore projects is that we deal with one local planning authority in relation to the onshore infrastructure that is associated with the development, but we might deal with more than one planning authority in relation to the landscape, visual impacts and so on. Those authorities have the ability to logjam the process; if we cannot get through the process with them, we can spend a lot of time trying to get to where we need to go.
I will speak up for processing agreements, which are a non-statutory mechanism that local authorities are gradually coming to terms with—some more quickly than others. That is merely a mechanism to engage the regulator and the developer in managing the process effectively together. There is still a bit of a learning curve on that; some agreements have been more complicated than they needed to be. However, processing agreements are increasingly being used as one of the ways to address the problem.
My question is to Aedán Smith. I think that you suggested that poor performance in planning is due to a lack of resources. Will you clarify that slightly? Surely many factors are involved in underperformance, rather than just resource constraints. Planning authorities that get it right deal with many factors, so performance is surely not just about resources.
No, of course it is not. Other factors are involved, which are often external to the planning authorities. The authorities depend heavily on advice and the quality of inputs into the system, such as the quality of developers’ submissions, the contentiousness of the applications that the planning authority must deal with and so on. The process is therefore very difficult to measure, which is why a suite of measures is needed across the piece, to make the process as even as possible.
Do you agree with Richard Escott that improvement should be based on incentivisation rather than penalties?
Yes, absolutely. One of the big incentives for a planning authority is to see how it is performing against its peers—the other planning authorities. Anything public, such as the planning performance framework, is therefore a big incentive for planning authorities. A financial penalty is too big a risk, because it could exacerbate existing problems if it happens.
To follow on from what the panel members have said, incentivisation has a downside as well as an upside in how it is perceived by those who are not performing. Would you care to comment on the following points? In your dealings with planning authorities, you come up against not just a lack of resources but a lack of skills and expertise. The comments that you have made so far underpin the need for processing agreements, which I am aware of and which are progressing slowly, and for the bill.
My experience with the reform of the planning system since the Planning etc (Scotland) Act 2006 has been instructive. There was a collective recognition that everyone had to work together to improve the situation.
From our interaction with planning departments, we know that a range of skills comes out in planning in the same way as it does among our advisers and in all the other areas that we deal with. Some are better than others, and a lot of that comes down to the openness of the interaction between the developer and the planning authority when they have an issue and how they address that issue. It is down to an individual on either side of that relationship—
I am sorry to interrupt but, if a clear process defined the limitations in the bill, would that help? I am not saying that there should be total rigidity, but in some cases there appears to be anarchy.
Clarity of process should always help us, provided that the right resources are in place to deliver against those processes. If we understand what the outputs are and what the quality and definition of the product are by defining more closely what we are trying to deliver, we will get there.
Having the right skills and experience in planning authorities is a fairly constant concern of ours. We come across that concern fairly regularly when we advise planning authorities on the impacts of developments in their areas.
Can you comment on the code of practice and how it might impact?
Which code of practice?
The guidance that will be given under the bill.
The most useful thing that will have an impact on planning authorities is the performance framework that ministers are developing in association with Heads of Planning Scotland, because that looks more at the potential outcomes of the planning process. That could be a useful tool.
As there are no more questions, we can call a halt. Thank you all for coming and giving your evidence.
I welcome our second panel for our continuing scrutiny of the Regulatory Reform (Scotland) Bill at stage 1. We are joined by George Fairgrieve, who is a council member from the Royal Environmental Health Institute of Scotland, and Bill Adamson, who is head of food standards, hygiene and regulatory policy at the Food Standards Agency in Scotland. I thank you both for coming along. Before we get into questions, would either of you like to make a brief opening statement?
I am happy to summarise the written evidence that I provided to the committee. My organisation is interested in the proposal because we oversee in Scotland the implementation of food hygiene and safety law, which the street trader’s certificate of compliance relates to. In that capacity, we provide an oversight of the local authority functions and, on behalf of the minister, administer the food law code of practice, which gives some national direction in the area.
Mr Fairgrieve, would you like to say something? It is not compulsory.
First, I say that I am a last-minute stand-in. Robert Howe had to go to something else. Apart from that, I think that our submission is self-explanatory, so I will leave it at that.
That is grand. Thank you. I think that there are two issues that we ought to explore. The first is the provisions on mobile food businesses and what impact they will have on food hygiene across Scotland. The second is the broader issue of the new duty to promote sustainable economic growth. A number of members have questions on the first issue.
Just for clarity, Mr Adamson, the FSA is accountable to both the Westminster and the Scottish Parliaments. Is there any conflict in terms of policy development or management?
Not in relation to this particular issue with street traders, or even in the wider better regulation agenda. You are right that we have obligations to both Administrations. I do not see any conflict in relation to the proposals in the bill, or in relation to street traders specifically. As I say, although there is a specific code of practice for Scotland, there is a very similar code that applies in the rest of the United Kingdom and gives general direction in the same way.
I think that the written submission was very clear. However, one thing that concerns me is that, once again, we are talking about setting up liaison groups. We have the Scottish Food Enforcement Liaison Committee, which is there to assist your agency in developing agreed standards. One wonders what on earth the FSA is there for in that case. Why are we creating another body or liaison group? Why can the FSA not carry out this regulation?
The FSA does indeed oversee the regulation—
Why can it not do it?
We do, in some areas, but much of the delivery has traditionally been done at a local level. As I indicated in the evidence, it is done by the local authorities on our behalf—that has been in place for some time. The FSA’s role is to provide national co-ordination of that on behalf of ministers, and we administer the code of practice on their behalf. We have a role in trying to ensure consistency and proportionality, which are issues that the bill is trying to address. One could say that, in so far as the bill relates to food law, to a certain extent there are already national standards that are designed to fulfil the bill’s principles.
The Scottish Government has asked SFELC, which is a daughter of the FSA, to
I will explain a bit more about what SFELC is. The code of practice provides for the idea that we must ensure that there is consistency across the piece in Scotland. We are quite lucky in Scotland in that we have a relatively small number of authorities compared with other parts of the country, but there still needs to be a mechanism by which those authorities consistently apply Community law. I say, first and foremost, that most of the law that we are talking about is set at a European level and is consistent anyway. There is also a requirement for the law to apply consistently in each member state, so that provides the backdrop.
Thank you.
My question is for George Fairgrieve in the first instance. There seems to be general agreement on issuing a single certificate to a street trader to provide for the mobility of street traders who move around different local authority areas. However, the certificate in itself does not really enable mobility and trading, does it? A street trader still has to apply for a licence in the different local authorities.
I would have thought that the street trader’s certificate of compliance would work hand in hand with any licensing provisions or requirements. I am sorry, but I retired in August, so my remarks are about what happened up to then. At that time, each local authority had to issue a licence to a street trader and they required a certificate of compliance from environmental health in relation to food hygiene. That process was quite cumbersome.
In reality, if the street trader goes down to Edinburgh from Aberdeen, which may be the issuing authority, they still have to get a licence.
At present, yes. I do not know what your thoughts are on extending the national system to include the licence, because that is about the legal system. I was not involved in that—I was involved only from the hygiene point of view.
When we took evidence from environmental health officers, there was some discussion of a concern that standards would perhaps be lowered as a consequence of the certificates being issued. What is your view on that? Basically, should we be going for the gold standard, as apparently Glasgow, Edinburgh, Aberdeen and other authorities have?
I do not understand that. As an ex-practising environmental health officer, my view is that the consistency required for the vehicles means that they should all meet the same standard as laid down by the regulations—an EHO in Inverness and an EHO in Edinburgh should have the same standard. The certificate of compliance would ensure that. I do not know where they are coming from on the lowering of standards, unless they expect not to inspect the vehicle at all. If an Inverness vehicle came to the Royal Highland show in Edinburgh, for example, the Edinburgh environmental health officers would still inspect it for the hygiene practices that the operator had in place, but they could ignore the physical nature of the premises because that would already have been inspected and found to be in compliance with the legislation.
So having the certificate of compliance does not mean that the street trader will not be visited by environmental health officers at the place where the licence will operate. Does the certificate make no real difference, then? When someone applies for a licence, normally the environmental health officers will examine the business and issue a certificate of compliance, but you are saying that that covers only the vehicle and nothing else.
In effect, that is what happens at the moment anyway, because the vehicle is inspected for a street trader’s licence and it gets its food hygiene compliance certificate, but the environmental health officers will still inspect it while it is trading to ensure that the food hygiene practices are in compliance with the law.
But not as a proviso of getting the street trader’s licence; it is just part of their day-to-day examination.
It is part of their normal working routine and is just the same as would happen with a shop, for example. A large supermarket chain, for example, will produce a building that complies with all the relevant legislation and will put in place documentation in relation to its duties under the hazard analysis and critical control point system, but it will rely on the local manager to work to those standards, so it is only as good as the local manager. That is what we are really talking about here, because the EHO will give a compliance certificate for premises, but it will only be as good as the person operating on-site and under pressure.
What would be the practicalities if somebody had a certificate of compliance issued by Aberdeen City Council and decided to go to Rock Ness, where they were examined by Highland Council EHOs who found that, although the vehicle was in compliance, the method of operation was not? How do the EHOs go about revoking the certificate of compliance? What steps can they take?
The certificate of compliance is purely for the vehicle, so if it complies, the certificate does not require to be revoked. The only thing that would be revoked would be the street trader’s licence, if it was still being issued by individual local authorities. It would be the permission to trade at that time that would be revoked because the operator would be in breach of the hygiene legislation. In practice, the environmental health officer would serve notices on the hygiene practices and stop the operation of those unhygienic practices.
The trader who had been stopped by environmental health officers at Rock Ness might decide to go back to Aberdeen, where they had a street trader’s licence and certificate of compliance. Would there be anything to stop them setting up shop again?
Normal practice in a situation like that—at least, this used to happen—is that environmental health would immediately notify the home authority of the action that it had taken.
There would be no added complications, then.
I do not think so.
If no one has questions about regulation and licensing of mobile food traders, we will move on to the duty to contribute to achieving sustainable economic growth.
Mr Fairgrieve, will you elaborate on the concern that REHIS expressed in its submission about how an economic duty might sit alongside regulators’ other core functions and duties?
I am sorry, but I will have to check the submission—I did not write it. My personal opinion has always been that, in a local authority context, local economic development is one of the primary considerations.
That is the case in this committee, too.
REHIS’s main aim is to stimulate interest and disseminate knowledge in relation to environmental health, to try to raise standards professionally and improve the health of the British public. In the days when sanitary inspectors were introduced, their aim and duty was to improve the health of the Scottish public. I think that that is what is behind what Robert Howe wrote. We must be careful not to lose sight of the reason why environmental health inspection was introduced, way back in the 1890s.
Does the FSA have a view on the sustainable economic growth duty?
Yes, convener. Committee members might not be aware that I was asked to give evidence to the Rural Affairs, Climate Change and Environment Committee on that aspect of the bill. I provided written evidence to that committee, which I can share with you.
If there are no more questions, we can call a halt. I thank the witnesses very much for giving their time—your evidence has been very helpful to us.
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