I open the Finance Committee's eighth meeting in 2004 and welcome the press and public. As usual, I remind people to turn off their pagers and mobile phones. We have received no apologies from members in respect of today's meeting.
It is straight out of the tap.
Ross Burnside can answer any questions of clarification. I open the meeting to members who wish to raise issues from the paper.
The paper is very good; it goes into some detail about what various countries do and how they have handled public sector jobs relocation. I found it interesting that in almost every case—whether it is the United Kingdom, Ireland or elsewhere—the aspirations of the country, in respect of how many jobs it wanted to disperse, were never quite fulfilled. Some of the figures are quite interesting. Under the Flemming review, 95,000 posts were recommended for relocation but it turned out that only 22,000 were relocated. Under the Hardman review, 78,000 posts were considered but only 10,000 were relocated. It is interesting that when we consider the Irish experience, despite all that we have heard about how successful it was, we see that there was a lot of criticism of what went on and that the voluntary aspect did not work as well as we have been led to believe. From what I have read, it looks as though Ireland will not meet its target, although it is early days. It is interesting for us to consider that everyone had the same aspiration—to move people out from centres—but that in every case that proved to be much more difficult than had been expected.
I do not have much to add to that. The members who are going to Ireland might want to meet Opposition members and unions to follow up on some of the criticisms that are raised in the paper, which were taken largely from press articles. It is important to get a balanced perspective and to consider the pros and cons of the Irish model.
I am keen to explore whether there is any experience from the case-study countries to suggest that there is a higher level of staff retention when organisations move to more rural settings. Do such benefits accrue to movements in the longer term?
The only thing that I can point to on that question is the report that was produced by Experian Business Strategies Ltd, the consultants who will, I believe, come to give evidence at some point. Experian did a study on previous UK relocations and considered staff retention and turnover, and found that it is easier to keep lower-grade staff.
Can I take one more bite at the cherry? When we have seen relocations take place, as Ted Brocklebank pointed out, there has historically been a desire to hit target levels, but there has always been underperformance. Are there any indications that the advent of new technology such as broadband and, even better, slick video communications might enable relocations to go to a totally different level?
My guess, based on previous evidence, would be that that would be the case, but I am not sure. It probably makes sense to say that that will be the case in the future.
The paper is useful—a couple of things come out of it and there is also something that the committee should take forward. First, we should develop some of the aspects of the Irish experience and consider the criticisms of it. We got an interesting impression of that from the witnesses last week, and we will be able to test it in a forthcoming meeting.
Following our previous discussion on the matter, I wrote to the Treasury to ask how the Lyons review will impact on the Scottish Executive's approach to relocation, so that we can get a sense of how the UK Government operates in the context of relocation.
I was very interested to read Ross Burnside's briefing paper—I am always interested in reading SPICe briefing papers—which is very useful. I thank Ross for his effort.
With respect, I do not think that it is for Ross to agree that—he is providing us with advice. Ultimately, the decision about whether to agree or disagree is a matter for the committee.
Perhaps I could just ask for Ross's comments, convener, on the plus points of the Irish policy, because the paper has a section marked "criticisms of the Irish policy", but there is no section marked "advantages of the Irish policy." The first point, to which I think the paper alludes, is that the Irish policy is based on the principle that those who relocate will be volunteers rather than conscripts. Is that correct?
Basically, I listed the information that the Irish Government provided to the committee. The section on criticisms is based on press articles and acts as a counterbalance to the information that we received from the Irish Government.
It appears that the Irish policy does not involve—of necessity—compulsory redundancy costs because volunteers are used rather than conscripts. Therefore, by and large, people are not kicked out of their jobs as they are likely to be in, for example, the Scottish Natural Heritage move. Is that the case?
There is a voluntary nature to the Irish model.
That means that it does not use compulsory redundancy: people are not told to move and then made redundant if they do not move. Is that what you discovered?
I think that it is for us to discover that when we make our trip to Ireland. I want to be clear about the kind of exercise that Ross Burnside has done. He has gathered in a paper the Irish Government's published information on relocation—which, I presume, advocates its relocation policy—and he has highlighted points that people have raised in criticism of it. We are undertaking an exercise in which a number of committee members will go to Ireland to ask those who are directly involved how the Irish relocation policy works. Therefore, rather than ask Ross Burnside to answer that question, we can ask it of the people whom committee members will meet when we go to Ireland.
Obviously, I am looking forward to doing that and I am pleased that the committee agreed with my recommendation that we go to Ireland, just as I am pleased that the committee considered the issue in the first place on my recommendation. Our going to Ireland will be an example of the committee doing a useful job. I am hopeful that from the trip will emerge clearly the massive advantages of adopting the Irish relocation model as opposed to the expensive policy—which, in the case of SNH, is subject to serious criticism—that the Scottish Executive has applied in its period of office.
I want to draw attention to something else. I was interested to see in the section on criticisms of the Irish policy that the Irish, too, appear to have made nonsensical decisions. Mr Sean O'Riordan asked why the new Department of Community, Rural and Gaeltacht Affairs headquarters was at Knock airport, which is nowhere near a Gaeltacht area. He also asked:
Actually, the Food Standards Agency Scotland went to Aberdeen, so I do not think that Aberdeen has completely missed out. Decisions were taken in the past to locate certain functions in Aberdeen.
I enjoyed reading Ross Burnside's paper. It struck me right away that the Irish policy was typically Irish. Ted Brocklebank said that the Irish had not achieved what they set out to do. However, they had no intention of achieving what they set out originally to do. They had high aspirations, but they also had low and realistic expectations. They aimed high, realising that they would not get large numbers of people to move to a certain area, but they were happy with the numbers that they got. We can learn a lot from the Irish. Instead of wiping out a department and moving it as a whole, we could move it piecemeal and move sections here and there. Fragmentation might be a better way forward than our current approach. I hope that the committee delegates who go to Ireland come back suitably enabled to help us alter our thinking on this side of the water.
An important issue that has not been raised directly is the Irish practice of moving some very senior jobs to different parts of the country. The outcomes in Scotland appear to suggest that middle and lower-level jobs move while the top layer of the civil service rarely seems to move. It will be interesting to plot the mechanisms by which the top layer avoids movement. One could be cynical about some of the ways in which that has been done. I suppose that genuine issues are involved in moving top-level civil servants away from the seat of government and in managing that effectively. There are downsides in terms of people travelling all the time because of the necessity of making face-to-face contact. However, we must explore—not only in our own practice but in that of Ireland—the advantages and disadvantages of moving sections of the upper tier of the civil service away from the seat of government. I presume that that will be considered not only in policy terms but as an organisational calculation of time, efficiency and so on.
I have a suggestion to make. I am impressed by the paper, which is very good, and would like it to be more widely circulated in the longer term so that local authorities and local enterprise companies can enter the debate. It would be particularly useful if Scotland and the UK were benchmarked against other countries so that we knew the proportions of civil servants from senior grades through to lower levels who are based in the centre or near the seat of Government, how many of them are not based in the centre, and relocation targets. That would give us a mechanism by which to learn and find out about best practice and trends over time, especially as new technology that we have the chance to befriend kicks in. There is a chance for the country to have a more even spread of civil service jobs.
We have had a good discussion about Ross Burnside's paper. The committee thanks him for his work. Members have probably given him potentially more work to do as a result of issues that they have raised.
I will read the Official Report of the meeting.
The next stage for the committee's inquiry is the various case studies. The clerks will liaise with the appropriate members about the timetable for and the format of those. We will return to the issue once the case studies have been undertaken.