Official Report 265KB pdf
We move on to agenda item 4. Our water inquiry is today's substantive business. We have with us Dr John Sawkins, Valerie Dickie, Bob Fullerton and Andrew Darling, whom I welcome to the meeting.
All four of us discussed the session downstairs. We have different fields of expertise—expertise in inverted commas, I hasten to add. For my sins, I look after Morrison Construction's private finance initiative interests, and my questions should be on that field of expertise. I am not your man for technical questions about the treatment of raw sewage.
You can pass on those questions—there is no problem about that. We have tried to match our questions to your experience. If we ask a question that you do not think it appropriate to answer, you should indicate that, by all means.
Thank you, convener. My few words were simply to go over my written statement, which members have received already. Given the pressing need to push on, I am happy to pass.
Could you give us your views on how the capital expenditure that is needed to upgrade our water infrastructure can be raised and paid for, as vast sums of money will require to be invested in that infrastructure? Do you believe that regional variations in charges are appropriate? [Interruption.] Is my microphone working?
Yes.
I will take the second part of your question first. There should be regional variations in charges. At the time of the reorganisation of the water industry in 1996, when there were fairly large regional variations in charges, I argued that, from the point of view of economic efficiency, prices should reflect as closely as possible the costs of providing the goods. The argument against that position is a social one: it would be inappropriate to set completely different charges for households that are near one another for what are essentially the same goods. However, from the efficiency point of view, the best outcome is for charges to reflect costs.
Thank you. That is a helpful answer, which raises many interesting points. I am interested in the balance between what non-domestic and domestic consumers pay. Perhaps other members will return to that issue.
Yes. Unless some action is taken, domestic customers will have to foot increasing bills. In 1995-96, the bills for domestic households north of the border were about half as high as those for households south of the border. We have now caught up and will, overall, overtake them. Household bills south of the border will hold steady for the next four or five years, whereas the indication is that, north of the border, household bills will rise. The north of Scotland will be hit hardest, as the bills there will rise much faster than elsewhere.
We need to explore further the impact of the changes on consumers, especially in the North of Scotland Water Authority area. You have told us of the changes that have taken place in the past, and it seems as though that trend will continue. In the local authority environment, we have a system in which there are dampening effects. There is a distribution committee. If a big problem were to arise in Glasgow, it would develop over several years. Other authorities would pick up some of the tab in the short term—that is, I would say to Des McNulty, what rural authorities would argue, although it may not be what Glasgow would argue. That happened in the early years of this Government, when there was a sizeable changeover of resources from Glasgow into rural areas. However, that was dampened by the rural areas' picking up some of the cost.
That would imply that, rather than having three water authorities in Scotland, we should have just one. It would imply the finances of the authorities being fiddled about with—if I can use that expression—by people from outwith the water authorities.
I was thinking more of a collegiate agreement between the existing water authorities and Government about how to achieve such a damping mechanism. The water authorities are public authorities, delivering policy on behalf of Government, or rather working underneath a raft of policies set by Government. I would have thought that such an agreement could be arrived at by discussion and negotiation. The model of having one authority would be the alternative to that.
It might be a matter for discussion between the Scottish Executive and NOSWA, rather than for discussion between East of Scotland Water and West of Scotland Water. I am sure that the east and west authorities will ask what it has to do with them, as they are responsible for supply within their own regions. They might think that it is a shame that they find it hard up there in the north, for a variety of reasons, but they might get fed up if they are effectively taxed for another authority's situation.
Are you saying that you cannot see any economic efficiency arguments for cross-subsidisation for different water areas, and that the only argument would be a social one?
Yes.
A different point of view was put by the water industry commissioner. I am interested to explore that.
My short answer to the first part of that question is yes. Efficiency is not an argument for cross-subsidisation. The only argument for it is a social one.
I have two questions. First, in your answer to Bruce Crawford, you said that he was suggesting a move towards a single water authority for Scotland. That is not necessarily associated with the question of charging, but how do you think that creating a single water authority would affect efficiency? Secondly, you are arguing, on efficiency grounds, against any cross-subsidisation between areas. To what degree is there already significant cross-subsidisation from urban to rural areas for domestic consumers?
If the decision had been taken in 1996 to come up with one water authority for the whole of Scotland, that would be the situation that we would be in now and that would be fine. I see no economic reason for throwing the whole thing up into the air again by getting rid of the three authorities and putting them all into one. There are good economic reasons for retaining three water authorities so that we can benchmark and compare how they perform against one another, thereby pressing them into improving their performance. South of the border, that has been an effective means of wringing out the gross inefficiencies in the system, and I think that it can work in Scotland too. We can compare like with like and say, "If this is what the north is doing, why aren't the east and the west doing it?" That is an effective means of pressing the water authorities to do better.
I am interested in what you say about the balance between rural and urban. If the NOSWA charges are high because it has all of the Highlands to cope with, perhaps the present structure is not evenly enough balanced between the different authorities. I note what you say about efficiency versus social inclusion. Options being floated include mutualisation of the industry or, alternatively, external finance such as a PFI. Do you have views on that?
I have done very little research on that so would prefer not to say anything.
I would like your view of arguments that have been put to us on unifying the three water authorities. One argument is that a single authority would then be the fourth largest water authority in the UK, with a reduced prospect of takeover; another is that management expertise and financial credibility and capability would increase. Your argument on the potential difficulties of the single authority was very interesting but there are some possible benefits that people have suggested.
A case can be made that a larger authority could exploit further economies of scale and scope. The small amount of research I have done suggests, however, that that may not be the case and that we have now reached a size where most of the economies of scale and scope have been exploited and there are not many left. The three authorities are comparable in size to the big ten authorities south of the border. There is no real virtue in making it big for the sake of it.
You made a particular point about benchmarking.
Yes—a single authority could complain that it could not be compared to firms in England and Wales for various reasons, whereas with three Scottish authorities that is not a problem.
We would certainly agree with that. Morrison is part of the Anglian Water group, one of the so-called big 10. There is likely to be a period of consolidation over the next two or three years when the 10 may become six. We would advocate maintaining the three companies so that benchmarking within Scotland is possible.
I want to return to the point Dr Sawkins made about the balance between the domestic and non-domestic sectors and how the Competition Act 1998 is likely to be used by the non-domestic sector to reduce its costs, which would transfer to the domestic sector. Is there scope for the domestic sector to strike back? One possibility is that high-income, low-usage households might seek to opt out through metering. Another possibility is that consortia of households might be formed. Although it might sound fantastic, one could imagine Des McNulty, for example, whipping up Milngavie community council into a frenzy of concern to try to make an area deal for a large number of households. Is there scope for such negotiations, and, if so, where would the pressure fall? Presumably it would not be on the non-domestic sector but on the remaining domestic sector.
That question helpfully pinpoints the issue that we struggle with. Domestic consumers are allowed to ask the water authority to install a meter and charge them on that metered basis. If that knowledge got out, many high-income, low-use households might ask for a meter and the revenue of the water authorities would fall. I do not know the strict legal position on whether parts of cities or council areas can opt out and ask a water authority south of the border to supply water for less. The proposed water services bill must contain safeguards—it is not fair for the best parts of cities to be picked off and for the rest to be left, which might happen if there are no safeguards. If the plum parts of cities are taken away, the revenue will have to be raised in the other parts of the city, which would be those parts with low-income households. That would hold no attraction for the sort of suppliers that we have talked about.
You said that the benchmarking between the three authorities would make for efficiency, as they would compare themselves with one another. However, because of the vast Highland region that NOSWA has to cope with, I am not convinced that there is a level playing field. Do you agree that it will be almost impossible for NOSWA to have lower charges than the other two authorities?
Yes, there is some truth in that. NOSWA is in a special situation. In all the benchmarking studies that are done, great care must be taken to take into account the fact that the population in the Highlands is scattered and long pipes have to be laid and maintained. We have to take great care over benchmarking the north against the east and the west. However, there is still the potential to benchmark NOSWA against firms south of the border, where some areas look more like the north than do our east and west—Wales, for example.
Yes, but if there is always going to be a disparity between the three Scottish authorities, will it not be more difficult for NOSWA to keep its non-domestic customers? I fear that we will end up with a situation in which the rural areas are abandoned to fend for themselves.
That is a slightly separate issue from the issue of benchmarking. Benchmarking is a tool to make the companies more efficient in doing the job. It is not a way in which to make them do less well or have to cut people off—it is not intended to do any of the things that your question might imply. Benchmarking drives out the gross inefficiencies in a system; how we serve people is a separate issue.
Why do we have to restrict ourselves to benchmarking against firms in Scotland or the rest of the UK? Why not benchmark against firms in the rest of Europe? I am not arguing for a unified organisation; I am asking a question.
I think that that should take place. We should not confine our benchmarking activity to Scotland or to the UK. South of the border, the Office of Water Services has not confined itself to the UK when conducting benchmarking activities; it has examined the overseas experience. That is important.
Thanks for answering our questions, Dr Sawkins. We will move on to Andrew Darling from the Bank of Scotland.
Good morning, Mr Darling. The water industry is becoming an increasingly important customer for the banks, in borrowing terms. Is the amount of money that the water industry wants to access a problem for the banks? What banking criteria are used in providing loans to the Scottish water authorities?
The banks view the water authorities as statutory corporations and therefore a quasi-sovereign risk. We consider vires and overall borrowing limits. My expertise is in PFI financing. Typically, we consider the integrity of the underlying PFI project and a water authority's ability to meet the unitary charge. We must understand the funding arrangements of the water authority and satisfy ourselves that its status as a statutory corporation will not change during the life of the PFI project.
I shall return to the issue of the statutory basis of water authorities. Can you explain the mechanics of long-term securitised debt and how it might be relevant to the water industry?
I shall try, but my expertise is in project finance rather than in securitisation. In financing long-term capital expenditure, the water industry should be able to access long-term debt. The cash flow from its consumers should be capable of being ring-fenced, which, in a sense, is what securitisation means. I would have thought that bond financing would be a more appropriate funding structure than securitisation, although securitisation would be an option. Securitisation would require continual refinancing, whereas bond financing would finance assets virtually over their lifetime.
What is the typical lifetime of assets in such circumstances?
In the PFI sector, financing has been undertaken over 25 to 27 years. Some of the bond financing extends beyond 30 years.
Are fixed rates or variable rates of interest attached to that borrowing?
Without exception, there are fixed rates.
Are they advantageous rates?
The market is very competitive. A number of banks are competing against each other and against providers of bond finance.
How competitive is the financing? Is it cheaper than other forms of finance? I presume that you undertake analysis of your potential customers. How cheaply can water companies access money from the banks, in comparison with other commercial and public organisations?
PFI project finance is more keenly priced than other forms of project finance.
Can you not give us a rate?
To be fair to Andrew Darling, I should point out that the market has moved on and rates are now more competitive than when PFI projects started some years ago. We employ financial advisers, who trawl the marketplace—Andrew through the Bank of Scotland, for example, and others through the Royal Bank of Scotland and other financial institutions—to ensure that a PFI project gets the most competitive deal available. The rate that we get for a PFI deal will probably have more bearing on its success than the capital costs of establishing the project.
Are you saying that the rates are competitive compared with those that are commercially available in other settings?
Yes.
Morrison is out there trying to squeeze down the long-term borrowing costs and obtain the best possible preferential rate. Does it do that for good public policy and for the end result to the public purse or because it requires a better profit return?
Morrison does that to win deals. We have bid for nine of the 11 waste water projects in Scotland. It costs us no less than £250,000 to bid for each project. We have been successful with only two and a half projects and we are the preferred bidder for a third. To secure deals, we must obtain the most competitive interest rates in the marketplace. We look for them to win deals.
When the banks consider giving a loan to a PFI company, what pitfalls do they take into account? From your point of view, Mr Darling, what can go wrong? How do you cover yourself against those risks?
The risks that we perceive during construction are delivery of the project—the assets—on time and to budget. We seek to mitigate that by passing the risk as far as possible down to the building contractor. The risk in the operations phase is that the project company does not deliver the service to the required standard and suffers deductions. We try to mitigate that as far as possible by passing any deductions down to the service provider. We also carry risk on asset renewal over the life of the project. We must make predictions up front on the cost of replacing assets over 25 or 30 years. If that assessment is wrong, it will affect the viability of the project. The cost of running the project company, the impact of inflation and other overheads also involve risks.
I presume that you base the calculation of your rates on the amount of risk that you expect to carry—the more the risk, the more the borrowing costs. Do you operate on that basis?
That is partly correct. The amount of senior debt that was available for a project would or could be reduced. The issue relates not only to the price but to the amount of debt that the project can support.
Do you consider the PFI method of building and operating assets more risky or less risky than alternatives?
We consider it an acceptable risk for the return that we make. It is difficult to compare a PFI project with another form of corporate lending. The PFI is a distinct funding vehicle. We believe that the risk is acceptable, or we would not be in the market.
I just want to identify the risks of PFI that are greater or less than those of alternative forms of funding. Are costs attached to setting up PFI deals at the outset? Are there problems in dealing with the end of the PFI project?
We consider the life-cycle—the replacement of assets—a significant risk. All construction projects are risky. Delivering a complex asset within a tight timeframe is a risk for the bank. The main concerns are those that I described.
Do you attach a margin to PFI borrowing to cover such risks?
Yes. There is a margin over and above the cost of debt on PFI projects.
Is there an industry average for that margin? I would not wish to ask what your company charges.
It varies from project to project. Once the construction phase has been completed, the margins on senior debt are now typically below 1 per cent.
Can you describe briefly the procedures that the Bank of Scotland would follow before approving a facility to a water authority? What investigation would you undertake?
For a PFI project?
Yes.
Have you got three hours?
The process is quite extensive. The quality and track record of the principal subcontractors, the building contractor and the facilities management provider are crucial. The risks that the public sector passes to the project company have to be evaluated. We need to exercise due diligence in respect of the price of the building contract and ensure that it has been properly priced. We need to exercise due diligence to ensure that the service provision has been properly costed for the whole life of the project. Finally, we need to ensure proper assessments for asset renewal and replacement over the life of the project. In banking, we then layer down to some very detailed risks—I do not know how much detail you wish me to go into.
You are saying that this is not a question of your simply identifying the creditworthiness of a company and lending money to it; you are doing a detailed evaluation of each project to find out whether you want to be involved financially on that basis.
That is correct.
Maureen, do you have a supplementary question on the same subject?
My question is about PFIs and the size of the project. Bob Fullerton might be able to answer it.
We will get to Bob Fullerton in a minute. In the meantime, we will go to Bruce Crawford.
I wanted to ask how we provide all the finances that will be needed for the future as well as for what has already happened. We will have a process whereby the Government can borrow money in the traditional way, which scores against the public sector borrowing requirement, or whatever it is called now. Apart from PFI, there are potentially two other models. One is mutualisation and the setting-up of a company limited by guarantee. The other is for the water industry to recover the capacity to draw down from a public trust. Money from bonds or from long-term borrowing could be found in a normal fashion, which could be supported by Government finance. That would need to involve a not-for-profit public trust, from which the water industry could draw down money. What are the bank's views on those models?
On the mutualisation opportunity, we are aware of the developments and proposals for Dwr Cymru Welsh Water and Kielder, about which I believe an announcement is due today. There is a view in the market that, in England, mutualisation could offer a route for the assets of the water authorities to be wholly debt financed.
I wonder about the idea of a public service trust that could borrow money in the long term in the normal fashion, either from the banks—even the European Investment Bank—or by raising bond money. The water companies could then draw down finance from that organisation.
I have not examined that option. I am limited to looking at PFI and, at a general level, mutualisation, so I cannot give you a specific answer. I would have thought that the same principles—of how the underlying business plan would deal with the normal business risks—would be relevant.
I was going to raise the issue of a potential move to mutualisation or community control. Rather than considering which of the two models would be preferable in an ideal situation, I would like to focus on the transition from the existing system to something like mutualisation. How would the process of moving from one system to another affect the bank's financial calculations? Presumably you have loan commitments to operating companies. How would those be affected by a shift in the corporate structure of the Scottish water industry?
My understanding of the PFI transactions in the water industry that have been completed is that they have typically been financed by bonds. The documentation provides that, if there is a change in the status of the existing water authority, the bondholders can look to central Government to ensure that the new entity has the same credit standing as the current water authority.
If the ownership shifted from the Government to something that was not the Government, would that have an impact on your calculations?
It would have an impact on the existing deals. Are you asking whether it would have an impact on new deals?
Yes.
If you are using the PFI structure, there would certainly be an impact on new deals, because you would need to look at the credit quality of the new entity that was paying the unitary charge.
So that would depend on its structure.
Exactly.
As you indicated, the water authorities in Scotland could be a big growth area for banks, as they are borrowing a lot. What kind of innovative schemes are banks getting involved in to deal with that new market? Can you cope with shifts in the structure of the industry, perhaps to community ownership or mutualisation? Will that present you with a problem?
It should not. It should be an opportunity for the banks. I do not believe that there is any shortage of appetite for providing finance to the PFI sector. It is difficult to comment in the abstract on any proposal without having a more detailed business plan to consider. Properly structured, there should be a market for the provision of long-term finance.
As there are no further questions for Andrew Darling, we now turn to Bob Fullerton. If members would like to intervene during questions to Bob Fullerton, they should feel free to do so, but the first question is from Murray Tosh.
All Bob Fullerton's comments have related to PFI projects. It would be useful if we could start by asking about the various ways in which a company such as his might participate in the water and waste water industries.
Over the years, Morrison Construction has procured work in many innovative ways. Four years ago, we set up a PFI business unit, primarily in order to cope with a shift in the industry. As we are all aware, PFI has been around for some four years and is still gathering momentum. The business unit was set up in order to procure work for Morrison Construction—there are no ifs, buts or maybes about that—and, within the unit, we set up what we call a concession company, which is freelanced from the parent company.
Does the consortium have an element that puts your company at risk? Do you carry the risk for the operation or are you involved simply as a bit of gilt on the gingerbread? If you can find a way to cut costs, all the parties would share the benefits.
There is no real benefit in cutting corners during the construction phase.
I was not suggesting cutting corners—I was suggesting finding more innovative ways of doing things in the operating period. You referred to that in your previous answer.
Once we are on the job—whether we are building or operating the infrastructure—if we come up with innovative ideas, they will generally enhance the consortium's bottom line, bearing in mind the fact that the consortium is split into three different parties.
What I am after is whether your exposure, as the procurer, is confined to procurement. Are you involved in the procurement process only, or do you carry some risk through your involvement in the consortium during the disparate phases of design, management and operation?
The consortium is split into three parties. We borrow 90 per cent of our debt from the Bank of Scotland; the remaining 10 per cent is obtained by each of the three parties putting up a third of the equity. That equity is left in the project for the full concession period of 30 years. While we procure the construction work, we are also involved as an equity provider for the full duration of the project.
When you prepare a bid, what do you consider to be the main foundations of a winning submission? I think that you referred to that in an earlier answer, when you talked about the benefit of forcing down the financing costs. You operate on every front and it would be useful to know what you think you can do as an external contractor to bring down the costs of the project in a way that is beneficial from the point of view of the consortium, the customer and the end user.
Our experience of the past four to five years is that any PFI project of less than £20 million is not a viable proposition for us, although certain individuals and consortia in the marketplace will carry out such projects. Given that preparing a bid costs £250,000, those projects are not viable. However, we have found that there are economies of scale in a PFI project that costs more than £50 million.
I am after two things. First, what are the ingredients of a successful bid? How do you give yourself an edge in the competition? Secondly, how can you reduce the cost of a facility? Why is PFI better than the conventional procurement approach when the financing is more expensive and forms such a major element of the whole cost?
Initially the PFI approach contained many innovative ideas. However, we are finding more and more that the bottom-line price is the driver of a successful bid. As for the risks that we undertake, no matter what my learned colleague Andrew Darling says about the bank taking those risks, most of them are transferred down to the consortium.
In your experience, have there been contracts where that risk has been transferred inappropriately?
Not necessarily within the water industry. However, there has been a move within the PFI marketplace for the end user to transfer as much risk as possible away from himself, which is not necessarily a good thing.
What protection has the public in such an area where public expectations are very high? Does the regulator have a responsibility for reviewing the transfer of risk, or is that all beyond him?
I do not know whether the regulator has any input into that matter. We have generally found in the past that although we as the constructor will agree to take on a particular risk for a price, the bank's due diligence adviser might then ask us to prove whether we have adequately priced to cover that risk. If we cannot, the matter might be thrown back on to the table for the risk to be shared between us and NOSWA.
So the due diligence adviser is not simply seeking to reduce the bank's input, but is looking at how all the parties in the consortium are exposed and assessing where such exposure is appropriate or inappropriate.
Absolutely. Not only is he giving the bank comfort that the consortium can pay back the debt, he is ensuring that the builder and the operator have properly priced the project.
I want to return to the three main ingredients of a successful bid. We established that the financing is more expensive through PFI. We could accept and understand that at the design stage and, because of the cutting edge of technological innovation, the private sector might bring operational efficiencies to bear. However, to convince us that PFI was a good method of procurement, you would have to make us believe that the PFI approach to life-cycle costs gave better value than traditional management operation.
We have all heard the horror stories about traditional procurement routes. Big capital projects that we ran prior to the PFI era always seemed to run into horrendous problems, such as cost and time overruns. That has been fully documented over God knows how many years. PFI might not be the ideal vehicle, however no one from the financial institutions or from our side has come up with anything better. It is the only procurement route that we know of with which we can procure the infrastructure and construct, design, build and operate within the required time.
I am not asking you to defend PFI, I am trying to analyse PFI. I am trying to understand how it is that in controlling the life-cycle cost and operating the facility over the period of the contract you are able to provide a better service than the water authorities could if they had procured conventionally.
It comes down to value for money. There is the question whether the water authorities could do it cheaper and more efficiently than procuring it through PFI. Is that the basis of your question?
Yes. I am trying to find where the advantage to the public purse is in going through the PFI route. We all take the view that the financing of PFIs is more expensive, so we need to see where you give the added value and how the higher financing costs are offset. In earlier evidence, we were led to believe that the benefit might come through the operation of the facility during its lifetime. I am trying to understand how that happens. What are the drivers? What are the margins?
First, let us go back to the design stage. We examine the position and undertake value engineering in all projects that we do. The first thing we will ask is, is it cheaper to increase the capital cost and avoid the life-cycle implications, or vice versa? If you look at the risks, during the construction phase we as the construction company will have to cope with every risk from weather, unforeseen ground conditions and the environment, such as badgers, slow worms, lizards, and all those wonderful things. I question whether a water authority would have the expertise to deal with those risks efficiently.
If we asked for it, would United Utilities be likely to give us written evidence about the issues if we wanted to explore those points?
I am sure it would.
Is the asset stuck together with Sellotape and Blu-Tack at the end of the life-cycle? How close are your calculations on the asset after the life-cycle that you have attached to it for the project? Does it need immediate replacement?
No. This has moved on in the past four years. When many of the projects that we undertook to start with were finished, the asset reverted to the concession company. Things have moved on. The asset that we have created is handed back to NOSWA at the end of the concession period; it decides what to do with it.
You said that there would be economies of scale in a PFI project if it was worth £20 million and that it would be better if it was a £50 million project. I understand the issues about transferring a risk. When Morrison or the new Catchment consortium that you have formed is involved in a contract of that size, do you set a target as to the percentage of profit you might want to take out of it? If you do not, what targets do you set to ensure that your shareholders get what they need out of it? What sort of percentage might that be?
As we said earlier, we will invest 10 per cent in equity. We would set up the consortium as a special purpose company. Within it, 10 per cent of the debt would probably be equity. We look for returns on that equity. We used to look for about a 20 per cent internal rate of return. The marketplace has shifted so dramatically that we are now looking at between 12 and 16 per cent as a return.
On a £50 million contract, the consortium may put in about £5 million by way of equity and from that £5 million you would look for about 12 to 16 per cent profit?
Yes.
It would be interesting to hear from an operator such as Morrison about the Treasury's public-private partnership rules and what stands in the way of making things happen better.
I would need another three hours to do that, so I will deal with the big issues. One is standardisation. The Treasury has set private finance initiative guidelines. As long as both parties agree to adhere to them, that would probably help. Another is European directives, which are probably more pertinent to the water industry. We are working on jobs when we are unclear about what the European directive will require on, for example, enhanced sludge treatments.
You said that you have moved from a 20 per cent calculation to 12 to 16 per cent.
It is nearer 12 per cent.
Is that compound interest over the full life-cycle of the project?
That is an internal rate of return on our equity provision.
Meaning?
We have put in £5 million. On a project that is worth £50 million, we would expect to get a return of about 12 per cent in the marketplace.
Annually?
Yes, as an internal rate of return.
This morning we have talked about the transfer of risks to various parties such as the banks and the consortia. What are the principal risks for the authorities that enter into PFI projects? What might go wrong for them in terms of your performance or that of any of the outside parties?
Not an awful lot. There are shared risks and force majeure items such as nuclear wars and other hypothetical situations that hopefully will not occur. With the exception of the main shared risks, however, every risk is transferred from NOSWA to us. Specific items such as planning issues that relate to certain projects will also be shared but, in the main, the risks relating to the design, the build, the operation and the finance are transferred from NOSWA to us.
Discriminatory change of law is not a risk that is passed down to the project company.
That means that if the European directives changed, we would be dealing with a new form of procurement policy for some form of enhanced treatment, which would remain with NOSWA. What happens if one of the constituent bodies or the whole consortium goes bust? The consortium has a low equity to debt ratio, does it not?
The chances are that NOSWA and the Executive would laugh all the way to the bank if we went bust.
The bank would have the option to step in in the first instance and, if it did not want to, the water authority would be able to take over the asset and pay compensation to the senior lenders.
That means that the risk is on your shoulders.
Yes.
There is also the added benefit that if, during the construction period, Morrison did not fulfil its obligations, there would be a parent company guarantee from Anglian Water that would enforce a step-in by another contractor to ensure that the obligations were fulfilled.
What happens to you and your return in the event that the water authority finds that it is unable to generate the money that is needed to pay you? The Competition Act 1998 comes to mind. Would there be pressure on consumers and people defaulting on their water bills?
There are provisions in the contract that cover default by the water authority to the concession company.
Does that mean that the Scottish Executive underwrites the water authority if it gets into financial difficulty?
I believe that that is the case.
I thank our resident prophet of doom and gloom for his questions.
Who checks that you are doing your job and are building a proper plant and so on? Is it NOSWA or the commissioner?
Both. We will present our design, which will be checked by the bank's advisers, who have technical advisers who will confirm whether the design that we have produced will work. The plans are also checked out by NOSWA's technical advisers. Counting our designers, that means that three designers will have checked the design.
Who would conduct quality control procedures when the plant was being built?
We would, as would the bank and the water authority.
Mr Fullerton, you have had quite a grilling. I will not ask you a question on the treatment of waste water, as you pointed out that that is not your field of expertise.
The clever financial people in our organisation generally consider a project at the bid stage of the process and ask what the optimum period is. When we are asked to bid a job we are generally told that the concession period will be X number of years. We also sometimes apply financial modelling to find the optimum concession period and offer that as a variant bid. The amount of capital cost at the front end of the project will have a bearing on the concession period thereafter. Each project is different, but for most the optimum running period is between 20 and 30 years.
If, as part of your borrowing consent to implement the project, the concession period were extended beyond 30 years, would the cost to the contractor of that extension be added to the initial costs? You are currently looking for a return on your capital investment in 25 years, but if the concession period were extended to 40 or 50 years, you would have a bigger debt burden to service.
Yes. We have found that the optimum concession period is 25 years. I do not have the expertise to say whether it would be cheaper to extend to 40 or 50 years.
It depends on the type and lifetime of asset that is being financed. There would also be a constraint on the availability of capital in the marketplace beyond 30 years.
We hear a lot about franchising. I am not suggesting that that should concern your company now, but given what is happening with the trunk roads—which are almost going out to a franchise organisation—do you think that a major consortium could be given a franchise to undertake all the waste water and domestic water contracts and maintenance in, for example, the north of Scotland, under the NOSWA banner? Could the water companies become a massive PFI?
Yes. That is a possibility. Any asset must be managed and could be managed in that way. We find more diverse situations every day, and that may be a possibility in the future. However, we would have to be able to convince ourselves, initially, that we had the expertise to carry out the works efficiently, which might mean taking on board all NOSWA's operating staff in our organisation. To be honest, we would entertain that suggestion only if we envisaged being able to carry out the works to at least the same efficient level as we achieve now.
But do you consider that a possibility for the future?
It is a possibility.
I have refined my doomsday scenario and I would like to cover all the bases. Let us suppose that, in the design or the construction period, there was innovative action to use new technology on the cutting edge, which then malfunctioned and stopped working. The replacement of that technology would be a major financial issue. Who would bear that cost? Are the contracts written so that the consortium carries the risk, or does the risk rebound on the banks or the authority and its paying customers?
The risk of technology not working rests with the consortium, which would have to make the apparatus work. If it cost £X million to rectify the problem and the consortium company did not have sufficient funds, two choices would be available. The members of the consortium could return to their parent companies—such as Morrison or United Utilities and IWL—and say, "Look guys, we've got this major problem. The concession company that we've set up does not have sufficient funds to rectify the problem." The three parent companies could just walk away and let the concession company go bust. Then, the bank or NOSWA could step in. However, if the three parent companies allowed that to happen, none would be likely to qualify for any more PFI work. If we let a concession company go down, we run a grave risk of not returning to the field.
Is there no risk to anyone else who is involved in the process from the amount of equity the partners have in the special purpose vehicle being too low to cover refinancing costs or costs plus penalties?
The banks would have sought to negotiate recourse to principal sub-contractors should some items not be fit for their purpose. Beyond the equity strip, warranty claims against whoever had designed or supplied the item involved would be possible.
For how long would they be available?
Some warranties in Scotland can last 10 or 12 years.
The time is 12 years in Scotland for a latent defect.
From the procurement and financing points of view, do you consider all the risks to the public sector and the end customer to be adequately covered?
Yes.
I have obtained a personal guarantee.
I would like to return to Dr Sawkins, if that is possible.
That is possible. If there are no more questions for Bob Fullerton, I am happy to return to the general panel.
During your presentation, Dr Sawkins, you pointed out that there is a loophole that allows large companies to abstract their own water through boreholes free, unmonitored and unlicensed. Can I presume that you would like that loophole to be closed?
Yes.
Who, from among the three water companies, should take over control of the boreholes? Do you think, as I do, that there might be advantages in setting up a central fund and giving the responsibility for control, licensing, monitoring, metering and charging to SEPA?
Yes, I would favour charging SEPA with that responsibility. If the water authorities were given that responsibility, it would, in a sense, smack of poacher and gamekeeper. An authority would not withhold a concession to withdraw water in its region if it thought it needed that water. SEPA would stand outside that and would be the right body to give the responsibility to.
As no hands are raised to indicate that someone wants to ask a question, I thank the witnesses for coming along and staying with us through a session during which technical language has been bandied about at points. Our understanding has been greatly enhanced by the evidence.
Meeting adjourned.
On resuming—
I now reconvene the meeting and apologise to the witnesses from the Scottish Trades Union Congress for the slight delay. We have with us Jimmy Farrelly, Dave Watson and Alex McLuckie. As always, we will try to keep proceedings as informal as we can, but there are certain things that we will need to consider. I thank the witnesses for the document that they have submitted; it has been circulated to members, who will, I am sure, have read it carefully. Do you want to make an opening statement?
Yes.
Fire away.
I am Unison's Scottish organiser for utilities. Alex McLuckie is from the GMB and Jimmy Farrelly is from the Transport and General Workers Union. We hope that you found our submission helpful; we would like to highlight a couple of key points from it.
I was making that assumption as you spoke. I thank you for that concise and straightforward introduction.
I, too, thank you for that useful introduction. Paragraph 9 of your submission talks about the exclusion of the industry or the phased introduction of competition under the Competition Act 1998. We heard evidence at earlier sessions from the three water authorities that the exemption of the water industry in Scotland from competition law would be undesirable in the longer term. Obviously, you do not agree. Why not? Why do you believe that such an exemption would not contravene EU obligations?
If I were the chief executive of a water authority, I would naturally say that competition was fine and that we were ready for the challenges. It is our job to tell you about the reality on the ground, which is that that is not the case. That is not to say that it can never be the case, but it will not be the case in the short term. We have not had the scale of investment that the English water companies have had. Since before privatisation, English companies have had investment that local authorities in Scotland could only have dreamed about. We are not starting from the same base level. We are trying to catch up by means of the investment programme that is set out in the "Water Quality and Standards" document, but we are nowhere near doing so. The sort of companies that we are dealing with and the level of their financial clout means that we are not on a level playing field at this stage.
Even if the industry is not subject to competition and is not gradually privatised through private finance initiatives, huge investment will still be required. How does the STUC think we can release that investment? That might be dealt with under the model of public service that you give, but I would like you to flesh out exactly what you mean if you do not intend the industry to remain the same as it is at the moment. I am not sure whether you understand my question.
I entirely understand the point. There are a number of issues. The key is to get the financial framework in place. Regardless of how many water authorities there are or what the structure is, a financial framework that includes sensible efficiencies must be in place. We are not ducking that issue. We understand that technological change—you referred to new design solutions for water and waste water treatment works—creates efficiencies. Efficiencies can be created through examining the ways in which the authorities organise central services. Those efficiencies can be built into the system.
The water authorities have told us that their borrowings are reaching such a level that the income from their customers may not match it; if it does not, they will need to find other ways to bring money in. That is a real conundrum. How would the unions find a way round that?
There is no solution to that—it does not matter from whom one borrows, one must still pay the money back. We all know from our personal budgets that there is no short way round the problem. The simple fact is that it is right that water authorities finance their capital programmes from borrowing and have the money to fund that in terms of the revenue cost of managing that debt. It does not matter how or from whom the authorities borrow, be it from a merchant bank, through bonds or by any other means. All that we would say is that, because public water authorities can borrow money more cheaply than anyone in the private sector can, that approach is the more cost-effective one. The use of design solutions may be one answer, but it would require some pooling of expertise. In that case, we should buy in the expertise. What we should not do is hand over millions of pounds to banks so that they can make money out of investing that cash.
There are other models—for example, the English water companies are currently considering mutualisation. That borrowing process would take the money off the balance sheet in terms of the public sector borrowing requirement. In Scotland, that might take the form of a not-for-profit mutualisation process, or even a public service trust mechanism from which money could be drawn down. That route would involve bonds being raised on a trust, supported by Government money, which could borrow in the long term and therefore more cheaply. What do the unions think about mutualisation and the second route that I have outlined?
They are two very different routes. I have not yet had a chance to study the Scottish National Party's proposal on a public sector trust—it is sitting on my desk, waiting to be read. However, I will produce a response. The first issue is how to borrow most cheaply and effectively; the second issue is mutualisation—ownership. We have not come to a final view. The Co-operative movement and others have a view and are putting together a mutualisation model. We are open to discussion about that, but we have some serious reservations.
You could not be more clear.
To what extent do the water authorities already face competition from the fact that non-domestic users can make their own arrangements? I have come across examples of non-domestic users opting out of the water authorities' arrangements, particularly for waste water. How are the water authorities coping with that competition? I know that what is proposed represents a step change, but it seems to me that there is competition already.
That is true. There always has been competition. In previous submissions, we said that the Competition Act 1998 and the proposed water services bill would introduce a further level of competition. The Scottish Environment Protection Agency and other witnesses have raised issues relating to the abstraction of water. The public perception in Scotland has been that, because it rains a lot here, we have a lot of water and there is no issue; in fact, the water that comes through our taps has to be treated. There are also issues relating to pollution in the less glamorous side of our industry—sewerage. We think that regulations on the abstraction of water and on sewerage should be tightened. Our members who are more expert in those areas could talk more about technical aspects, some of which SEPA identified to the committee.
I want to explore in more depth the Competition Act 1998. I understand that the UK takes part in negotiations in Europe and that the European Union negotiates on our behalf at the World Trade Organisation. We all received a letter from the World Development Movement telling us that the negotiations that are taking place now are being driven by the Americans, who want to move from the general agreement on tariffs and trade to another agreement—the general agreement on trade in services. The negotiations provide for the exclusion of core services from the agreement, but it would be down to member states to determine which services, such as health, water and roads, they wish to exclude. Is that the case? What stage are the negotiations at?
Five minutes ago, that was described to me as a wee question, but there you go.
Certainly, there is a move towards liberalisation of world trade. I am not familiar with the details, but, under the current regime, negotiations take place and then a European directive on the framework is produced, which the European nation states have to turn into regulation or legislation. That is effectively how the Competition Act 1998 came about.
My union, the Transport and General Workers Union, commissioned a survey on employment and profit margins in UK water companies from the public services international research unit at the University of Greenwich. The conclusion summarises our view on the matter. It says:
It would be useful if you could get that report to us so that it could become part of our evidence.
I want to follow up on one of Helen Eadie's points. I have a vested interest in the mutuality sector and the Co-operative movement and I was a wee bit concerned about the interpretation of what taking the mutual option might mean. Do you accept that there is a fundamental ideological difference between an organisation that is set up primarily to provide a service for its members—in the case of the water industry, the population of Scotland—and an organisation that is set up primarily to create private profit? Do you accept that the whole principle of mutuality involves any surplus being reinvested in the industry? Do you also accept that the mutual sector offers the possibility of democratic control and accountability, with all members being able to elect the people who would serve on the boards? A board meeting need not be a once-a-year rubber-stamping of contracts; people could be involved in developing policy in the industry.
The mutualisation option that I am talking about is the one that Ofwat is promoting. I am a long-standing supporter of the Co-operative movement, and my union and the others represented here today have no difficulties with the principle of mutualisation. However, the only models that have so far been put on the table for the water industry have been the proposal for Yorkshire and the proposal announced this morning for Wales. For the reasons that I gave, I have serious reservations about those.
The Scottish Executive is on record as saying that it wants the water industry to remain in the public sector; the difficulty we face is how to keep it there when we have the Competition Act 1998. Dave Watson said that our first option would be to have the water industry excluded from the act. We are talking about the provision of wholesome, clean water, which must not be affected in any way by the rush for profit. However, the act will affect it.
I have a couple of questions about the consumer, which you have already answered in part. Unison indicated that increased competition could bring the prospect of self-disconnection. How serious is that possibility and what is the current mechanism to prevent domestic customers from self-disconnecting?
Self-disconnection ties in with the growth in metering. That is the only circumstance in which self-disconnection is an issue, except for in some rural areas. Our experience in gas and electricity is that a metering system leads to some self-disconnection. A water industry study on the Isle of Wight showed that disadvantaged consumers disconnect simply by not putting the cards or coins into the slot. That is the major risk.
Would you elaborate on the knock-on effects of allowing domestic and commercial customers to choose water and sewerage services simply on the basis of price and service?
The knock-on effects depend on the scale. The figures that have been drafted by the water authorities—they are in a better position to answer Robin Harper's question—show that the costs rest on the scale of the income and the fixed-cost nature of the industry. If one customer is removed from the system, the only costs that are removed are the very low variable costs—everybody else must pick up the fixed costs. If the big customers are removed it falls on everyone else to pay those costs. It is a simple formula. The exact sums depend on which customers leave, what they currently pay and what the variable and fixed costs are. Those sums will vary depending on the customer. The simple rule—it is straightforward mathematics—is that everybody else pays the bill.
We have talked a lot about efficiency this morning and throughout our inquiry. The evidence from the water commissioner concerned me, particularly when he spoke about efficiency, the efficiency savings that he expected and the way in which he benchmarked Scottish water authorities against English water authorities. You referred to that earlier and I wonder whether you would expand on your comments, given that while the commissioner talked about efficiency savings, you talk about efficiency cuts.
To be frank, our difficulties with the efficiency cuts—as we describe them—that the water commissioner proposes relate to the scale of the aggregate numbers and the time scale.
There has been input from water authorities, private companies and us. It should be noted that there is another important element—the work force. In the four years that we have been working together, the work force has faced significant changes in working practice, core conditions, rates of pay, hours of work, shift patterns and so on. We have been involved in many negotiations where the employees have made significant sacrifices to ensure efficiency savings. I am smiling as I say that because some of my colleagues who are sitting in the gallery will know that some of us bear the scars of those negotiations. However, that was done for the right reason: to ensure that the industry could compete and remain within the public sector.
We heard from a previous witness that there was no match between levels of efficiency in companies south of the border and the extent to which they had suffered from de-staffing. Do you have any information about the approaches that were taken by the different companies in England and Wales and examples of good and bad practice?
The paper that Jimmy Farrelly referred to shows some of the variations in financial performance and staffing. We did not pluck the figure of 2,000 job losses out of the air; we came to that figure by aggregating the estimates of the water authorities, which carried out some private research. There are variations down south. Some companies, such as Severn Trent Water, halved their staff, whereas other companies, such as Wessex Water, reduced their staff by about 10 per cent. The variations exist because some of the water companies were able to use their non-regulated activities to deal with staffing issues. In other words, they shifted staff from regulated matters to non-regulated matters in order to develop new areas of business in local authorities. Some companies made greater use of outsourcing and privatisation than others did; some tackled the matter in-house and some went outside.
Let us be clear. You rightly raise the issue of PFIs. I understood that the major PFI projects for water and sewage treatment plants were in place and that a lot of their future funding would come from external finance. Can you confirm that? Can you quantify the difference between the impact of that on your members who work for PFI projects and its impact on those who work for projects that are funded through the other mechanism?
Perceived wisdom says that a PFI scheme must be viable and of a certain scale to get off the ground, or that there must be bundling arrangements. There are plenty of examples elsewhere in the public sector of local authorities being forced to bundle proposals together to make a viable option for the private sector. The private sector is not interested in the odd individual school, for example; there must be a bundle of 20 schools.
I warn the committee that we are running short of time.
Your submission states that public safety should be the top priority; I am sure that all committee members agree with that. Previous witnesses have suggested that the proposals to create multifunctional roles in the water industry might risk the creation of public health concerns. What are your views on that? In what other areas should we consider the risks to public safety in our report on the water industry?
I have already answered one of those questions, in relation to the licensing that is required—under the Competition Act 1998—to put water into the mains water system. The difficulty is that once water is put into the public mains system it cannot be switched off, as electricity can be. The water that goes into the mains system might be contaminated. Our water engineers say that no matter how many valves and systems are installed, the damage is done when the water becomes contaminated—one must cut off the whole system, clean it out and rely on bottled water. We have seen occasions on which that has happened by accident in Scotland and south of the border.
Following on naturally from that, I want to deal with the question of the expertise in the industry. Compared with the English industry, for example, how well does the Scottish industry retain expertise? How do remuneration levels compare north and south of the border? Has there been a loss of expertise in recent years from the Scottish water authorities?
There has been some loss and there is likely to be a further loss. However, there has also been a good level of retention. People go into the water industry, get trained in that area and continue to work there. Our concern is that that loss of expertise could be accelerated if we lose 2,000 jobs in a short period.
Do you think that the current structure of the industry is more or less effective than was the structure pre-reorganisation in 1996? Would there be any benefits to having one water authority in Scotland rather than the three that we have?
Since re-organisation, there have been advantages and disadvantages to people in terms of the charging structure. The new structure is better in terms of creating a more efficient and effective spread of expertise. Whether the structure of boards that was set out in the consultation paper is right is a matter for debate, although I think that we have moved on from the suggestion in the paper that we adopt something like the national health service trust model. At a time when the Minister for Health and Community Care is about to abolish such trusts in the NHS, it would be bizarre for the water industry to adopt that model.
As a former council leader who went through the change process, I have a lot of sympathy with Dave Watson's comments.
Is it a teeny question?
Yes.
One must examine closely the public sector comparator when considering a PFI. I have examined literally dozens of full business cases and I have published our analysis of some of the biggest projects in Scotland.
As no member is indicating that they wish to ask a question, I thank the witnesses for a most interesting session, which provided us with a good historical background to our inquiry. The water authorities will be present at future meetings of the committee and much of what the witnesses said will allow us to develop the context with them.
Meeting continued in private until 12:46.