Item 6 on the agenda is discussion of the draft legacy paper. I draw the committee's attention to the covering document that was circulated with the papers for today's meeting. The recommendations are in bold print.
How slow can we go? I have a meeting at 5.
So you have a vested interest in dragging it out—you will be very popular with your colleagues.
If we are going through the paper bit by bit, how will we slot in any additions?
We will go through it paragraph by paragraph. If we raise any points, the revised draft will return to the committee on 20 March. This is not the final discussion.
Members indicated agreement.
Paragraphs 6 to 8 simply describe the work that we have done. Under the second heading, "Strategies to Manage Workload", we make a point in paragraph 9 about the overall volume of work that has come to us.
I do not know whether we should complain about what is essentially our job.
The point is more about balance, because we are also meant to fulfil the select committee function. I remind members that there are two justice committees because of the workload on the justice agenda. It is a pointer to possible structural changes at committee level, depending on the workload. I think that that is a fair and worthwhile point to make because it is what led to the decision to create two justice committees.
Yes, but I am unsure about how that takes us to two health committees or whether that would be desirable.
We are not suggesting two health committees. My point is that committees should say what their workload has been because it would be useful for any future review of committees to be based on what they had done.
I am not being picky.
You are being picky.
No, I like to be convinced of these things. I do not know whether it is appropriate for that to be in an annual report or legacy paper.
As I understand it, the annual report is not designed to carry such information—it is a more constrained structure than a legacy paper. After all, we are not required to produce a legacy paper. This is something that we choose rather than have to do.
I may be taking it too seriously then.
I think that we should take it seriously.
I take the issue seriously, because the paragraph lets members off the hook. The idea that members do not understand the rules—when it is appropriate for them to introduce members' bills and whether, when introducing bills, they expect them to go the full course through to legislation—is too simplistic. Members cannot expect a bill to be enacted if they come along with it six months before the end of a parliamentary session, when time is limited and everyone else is showcasing.
That is a legitimate point. I suggest that we add another paragraph that states firmly that, when members introduce bills that they truly intend to become law, they have a responsibility to make themselves cognisant of the legislative process and to ensure that bills are introduced timeously, in order that they may get through that process.
There should be some reference to the wider problem that the Parliament must resolve of whether it is appropriate, sensible and realistic for all members to have the right to introduce a bill. We are dealing with the symptoms of that major problem. Something needs to be said about that.
We need also to include the recommendation in paragraph 14, because the current standing orders stipulate a final deadline that is far too late. Members can present themselves as having complied with standing orders but not be in a position to progress a bill much further. That provision must be changed.
Would that have the desired effect?
It would pull back the final deadline to before the summer recess prior to an election. I take on board the point that you make—that it is members' responsibility to be realistic about what is and is not possible with members' bills. In my view, that includes thinking about them earlier, rather than later, in a four-year session. I am not sure that it is for the committee to make a point about the bigger issue of the number of members' bills. We must deal with the overall position as it stands.
That is my basic problem. We are dealing with a symptom that cannot be addressed simply by moving the deadline. I may be wrong about that, but I suggest that Simon Watkins considers the point. If it has substance, he can include it in the final draft of the paper.
Paragraph 14 would make a difference to a committee's handling of its workload. I am not unhappy about inserting some lines that reinforce the point that members have a responsibility to be realistic about how long it will take them to introduce bills, and that highlight the fact that the sudden rush of members' bills late in the day is not particularly helpful, although we know that many of those bills were introduced by members who were fully aware that they were not going to run to term. We will re-examine the issue on 20 March, once the changes that have been suggested have been made.
That part of the draft report mentions the discussions that we have had on the issue and it states, although not particularly clearly, that there has been an improvement, in that the problem seems to have resolved itself. It would be useful to point out that discussions have taken place and that there has been an improvement, if that is the case.
Does anybody feel that there has been a particular change in the way in which subordinate legislation is presented to the committee?
I do not find the Executive notes to be any better.
The draft report says that subordinate legislation has not been a problem lately, but we give the Executive no credit, although I may be reading the report wrongly. There were some discussions with the committee.
To which paragraph are you referring?
I am referring to my notes, as I scan through the report. It states:
That paragraph is about timing, not about the supporting information.
The report says somewhere that the situation has not been—
Paragraph 21 is about the timing of subordinate legislation coming through and the fact that we have occasionally considered instruments that were already in effect. We state that that
Yes. It states:
That issue is about timing. It is now quite a while since we have had to deal with an instrument that was in force before we considered it. That is why that comment was included.
Should we say that that is good?
That is what we are saying—that it
No—all that we are saying is what has happened. Duncan McNeil wants to add that that is good.
The situation occurred in the past, but it is happening a lot less frequently now, which is acknowledged in paragraph 21. That issue is about the timing of subordinate legislation. There may still be an issue about the information that comes with subordinate legislation and how it is presented.
Have we raised that with the Executive? The draft report makes a stark claim, when it states:
I remind you that the Subordinate Legislation Committee has had an extensive inquiry into the subordinate legislation process. Our comments are part and parcel—
Is that the way in which our officials have reported the matter to us? If somebody said that about our officials—
Just hold on, Duncan. We will ask the clerk about the issue.
The points were all taken from the submission that we made to the Subordinate Legislation Committee's inquiry into the process.
Which was agreed by the committee.
Yes.
I am asking whether there has been any improvement.
What we have just said is that there has been no improvement in the quality of the Executive notes that accompany Scottish statutory instruments, but that there has been an improvement in the timing of instruments coming to us. On some aspects, there has been improvement but, on others, there has been none. It may be regarded as early days, because the Subordinate Legislation Committee has not long completed its examination of how subordinate legislation is handled. There is a moving picture.
So, to move to paragraph 24, you are saying that we still need improvement in the information.
Can we deal with paragraph 22?
I just want to say that I agree totally with paragraph 20. The Executive notes often simply repeat what is in the instrument.
Paragraph 22 states that, by agreement, we raised those issues with the Subordinate Legislation Committee. Paragraph 23 suggests that any new committee should continue to deal with subordinate legislation in the way in which we have done. We have taken evidence and treated some aspects of subordinate legislation more seriously. In paragraph 24, we suggest that the new committee should continue
Despite our having done that, I think that we would all agree that our quest for more focused information has not been satisfied.
Would you like to reinforce that at paragraph 31?
We could discuss how that could be done better. I know that other committees such as the Audit Committee feed into the process, but I am not sure if we actually come together when it comes to budget scrutiny. In the past, people would come along to committees, and members would examine certain sections of the budget with them. It seems that the Conveners Group, the Parliament or this committee need to take a fresh look at how we conduct budget scrutiny. We have tried using advisers and various other means, taking individual sections of the budget, looking at it in a wide sense or focusing on parts. We never really get satisfaction out of the process. It has always been frustrating.
Indeed. It is saying how we have managed to work around that, but it is still not satisfactory. Perhaps we need to reinforce paragraph 31 by saying that, although we still consider the whole process to be unsatisfactory, we have managed, in certain ways, to deal with some aspects of the budget. We could say that we still believe that there should be a complete and strategic examination of how budget scrutiny is conducted in the Scottish Parliament.
It is one of our most important jobs. It might be the most boring, but—
We will come back with amended, slightly strengthened, wording. In taking that point on board, I will highlight with the Conveners Group the way in which budget scrutiny should be done as something that it might wish to consider at an early stage in the new session.
I am delighted to see European issues in the legacy paper, at any rate.
Yes—we wanted to flag them up. Members will note the recommendations in paragraphs 33 and 35. It is fair to say that we have still not dealt with European issues completely to our satisfaction either.
Yes, there is work to be done. There are some issues around what has been suggested. There are issues of budget and competition between committees in respect of how we interact with Europe. If one committee secures a budget for travel early on, for instance, another committee will have lost out.
We did follow that idea up. We got a report on what the Health Committee at Westminster was looking into. At the time when we checked its work, there was nothing that really ran alongside our work programme.
That may be, but we could still take that up, in relation not just to Europe but also to the work that is being done at Westminster. As far as a work programme is concerned, I would have thought that we might be able to feed into what is happening about particular matters in Wales and, hopefully soon, in Northern Ireland. There is work that could be done in that regard, despite our limited resources.
There is a spelling mistake in line 2 of paragraph 34. Unless it is expected that people are going to be gazing at submarines and destroyers, I suggest that we change the spelling of the word "naval".
I would not be as gushing about round-table meetings as the draft paper is. I do not disagree with the first few paragraphs, which say that we have used the technique successfully in different contexts. Paragraph 43 says that round-table meetings have been "very beneficial". I would take the "very" out. In paragraph 44 I would say, "The Health Committee would recommend to its successor that it considers the use of round-table evidence sessions in appropriate circumstances" rather than just saying that they are wonderful and that the successor committee should have them.
I do not disagree with that. Round-table meetings can work well. I do not know whether we need to review whether we are inviting too many people who present the same argument. They are as good a way of organising an evidence session as having three witnesses at the top of the table, followed by another three—
Then another three and another three. It all depends on whether the witnesses buy into the whole idea. Sometimes round-table meetings work and sometimes they do not.
They work quite well in so far as we get different people around the table. Some folk are more inclined to argue than others. The round-table discussion on the drugs issue revealed some hidden problems between the different witnesses. It is fair enough to have round-table meetings, but it all depends on the people who are around the table. How much information do they get beforehand about the fact that they have to participate and that we do not get a higher profile because we are MSPs? Are they encouraged to interact with other people around the table?
Some round-table meetings have not worked as well as others. In every case, we probably got more evidence out in a shorter time than we would have got otherwise, so, to that extent, they have worked. As events, some worked better than others. It would be worth asking the clerks to review the round-table meetings to assess the extent to which certain witnesses did not really participate and whether there was a common thread in all that. Perhaps we are not yet fine-tuning who we invite to participate. We need to have people who want to participate actively, rather than people who are just there to make up the numbers. I suspect that we sometimes invite people so as not to be seen to be leaving them out, rather than because we think that they will contribute actively to the discussion.
Overall, I get the impression that witnesses are more relaxed in a round-table situation than they are in the almost confrontational situation that we sometimes have.
On the whole, the experience has been good. Round-table meetings allow a lot of evidence to be taken in a shorter space of time, so they have a beneficial impact on our working timetable. However, they probably need to be fine-tuned for them to work as effectively as possible. Perhaps we should amend slightly the sense of paragraphs 39 to 44 to reflect that. We will consider them again on 20 March.
They are certainly useful as part of any major inquiry.
Yes.
Many suggestions are relevant and deserving of support, but I do not know whether a legacy paper should go as far as to suggest subjects for inquiry. The other comments in that part of the paper, for example about what we did on workforce planning, will be relevant for our successor committee—
Let me explain the reason for including suggestions. When the new committee meets for the first time it will have no agenda, so it will find it useful to be able to discuss certain matters, such as potential subjects for inquiry, to let it get out of the starting box quickly. We are not trying to give the new committee a mandate; we are simply providing a tool that it can use at the very beginning of the session. We suggest subjects that we might have considered if we had had more time or if the timing had been right.
Is it not possible for us to retain the bill for information—to let it hang, in a sense? It is one of the items in the legacy paper that could be picked up in the next session.
The problem is that, having had the Parliamentary Bureau refer the bill to us, we must respond to the bureau officially on what we are doing with the bill. We can choose to say simply that the bill was referred to us with no time limit for action. A variety of practice is developing. Is not it the case that some committees are not reporting at all?
Some are unlikely to report.
We could choose to take that approach, because we were given no time limit. Alternatively, we could tell the bureau that we were unable to deal with the bill as would be expected at stage 1, but that we had a one-off discussion about some of its subject matter. We could indicate where the Official Report of that discussion is to be found. A third option would be for us to come to a view on the evidence that we heard on that one day, although I do not think that that would be appropriate.
There is no reason why we should not do both things separately. We could report simply that we decided not to proceed with the bill because of lack of time. I do not see why the member's bill has to be linked to the round-table meeting that we held. That would look like we had made a half-hearted attempt to start taking evidence on the bill, which I do not think was the case. We should say that we decided not to proceed—full stop.
It does not really matter one way or the other, because we are not proceeding with the bill.
It amounts to the same thing.
There might be virtue in saying that we had had a separate one-off meeting that happened to be on the broad subject to which the bill relates.
Will our successor committee pursue the matter? Some controversial points were made at the meeting.
It is on the list of potential inquiry topics. Do we agree to report that we will not report on the bill?
Members indicated agreement.
Members will have to consider the draft report on the bill at our next meeting, but it will not be very long. Does the committee agree to take that item in private, as is our normal practice?
Members indicated agreement.
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