That takes us to paper PR/99/2/1 on standing orders issues to date. The report details what was done, following the initial meeting last week, to invite comments from officials and members. It makes the point that the time for that was limited, and it accepts that further points and representations will inevitably be made. This was intended not to be a closed procedure, but to establish an initial profile of points.
Yes.
We felt that discussion on the first items, on rule 2.2, would be more appropriate in the longer term than is possible in the current time scale. We will not know the balance between the chamber and the committees until we have more experience of the committees. Those are important matters, but we feel that they are not urgent.
It was a warning shot, more than anything else. The range was found, so I would not have thought that it was a matter for standing orders at this stage. It might become so if there was a general feeling that the bureau was unable to operate. Other issues may be wrapped up in this, such as what constitutes a statement and how statements should be made, but I would not have thought that that needs to be pursued at this stage.
We thought that statements could be looked at in the context of questions, because there is an ambiguity about whether statements are followed by debates or by questions. That would be a useful way to wrap the subject up, because it is becoming confusing.
That rule comes under speaking?
Yes, because it deals with speaking times.
It also relates to chairmanship because, as I understand it, in the briefing for the Presiding Officer, times are allocated in terms of opening and closing debates and then altered according to the number of subsidiary speakers who come forward. That ties in with the question of statements, because it relates to the amount of time given to non-Executive party spokesmen to question a minister.
Many of these points relate to the time that it takes to develop an argument and the time that should be allocated for debate, all of which come under the generic heading of speaking. That is a valid point, at which the officials will look; they will give us options on it at the end of the recess.
Can we have some clarification about what the clerks were saying?
Does this not relate to the point of order that I made in the debate on the amendment that would have deleted two names from the ministerial list? I argued that an amendment could delete only one name from the list. Iain Smith was the beneficiary, because we did not want to delete his name. The issue will arise only in the formal nomination of ministers, but there was an argument with the Presiding Officer. One should not be able to lodge an amendment that says, "Delete A, B and C", because it is difficult to vote on them individually in those circumstances.
We will suggest that that is not a priority before October and that we leave it on the back burner.
On the question of having decision times at different times of the day, there is already provision in the standing orders for decision time to be moved on a motion of the Parliamentary Bureau. There have, however, been complaints; for example, some of the evening newspaper editors said that it was unreasonable that they could not report the result of the debate on Holyrood because the decision did not take place until 5 pm. Of all these questions, that is one of the most urgent. Some debates will last half the morning, after which members will leave the chamber and not come back until 5 pm. That is worth debating.
Those are issues that the report will address; at that stage, the committee will take a view on the options. We are trying not to pre-empt the committee's report, which will be issued at the end of the recess, but I agree that it is an important issue.
I thought that you were trying to prioritise some of the issues.
Yes, and we should, as a priority, look at the whole issue of voting.
The point in the annex about rule 8.6.1 in the standing orders can be dealt with without any change to the standing orders—the official report could insert the appropriate words and print the amendment.
That point can be noted and put to the editor of the official report as a practical suggestion.
There are not enough seats, so I will sit here.
You are welcome to do so should you wish to. Do you require papers?
No, I have them.
The press, the public, the politicians, the Presiding Officer and, apparently, the First Minister have all identified questions as a difficult area that has been exposed by the early workings of the Parliament. This is a priority issue that we should address at the earliest opportunity.
Those points do not seem to belong to the same categories as the ones before. Will they fit back into what you said about the other issues?
The idea is that the officers will look at those issues over the summer. They will come to a meeting which we will arrange for early in the autumn—some time in early September. We will then need time for the reports to be considered, for the views expressed in them to circulate and for feedback to be gathered. Mid-October would be the appropriate time by which we would make a recommendation to the Parliament about the adoption of standing orders, including any amendments that we had discussed. We can spend longer on the other matters. We cannot really address issues such as committees and legislation until we have some experience of handling them.
I would have thought that it was a question for debate.
My view is that the mover of a motion should have the right to sum up at the end of that debate. Not everyone will agree with that.
That is precisely the point. That was view of the SNP as the Opposition party that lodged the first motion that was opposed—by Mr McCabe, in fact. The Presiding Officer ruled that, for that first occasion, the Westminster model would be followed. He said specifically that that was not a precedent and that the Procedures Committee should consider the matter. I think that he is expecting a recommendation from us on that. There are another 14 Opposition days before 6 May 2000—the next one will be a Conservative day some time in early September—so we need to have a view on the matter.
All I am saying is that the Procedures Committee can give its views and make recommendations, but it will be up to the Parliament to accept or reject them. Much of what we have been through in the summary may lend itself to consensual decisions. I suspect that this matter, however, will be a political decision. The committee is entitled to make a recommendation, but members will presumably vote on the matter differently from the way in which they would vote on methods of voting, which is a more practical question.
I am optimistic that there will be consensus. I am sure we can achieve that.
Your optimism has inspired us through the early weeks, Mike.
How does the convener suggest we prioritise this matter, which is, and will continue to be, an issue?
It can be given high priority because there are not many options—it must be done either one way or another. The Parliament could be invited to decide on it in October, when we look at the adoption of the standing orders. I do not think that any member of staff is going to spend the summer beavering away at options. The choice is pretty stark. I hope that the Parliament will agree that it is not bound to follow Westminster precedent and that it is reasonable that those who have moved the motion should conclude the debate. That will be a decision for the members of the Parliament and there may well be political considerations.
The decision could be made separately from that on the standing orders in September, or whenever. The matter is not listed in this brief as a standing order issue, so we could put it to the Parliament either with a recommendation or without one. As the convener rightly said, it is a matter that everyone should vote on and that we should just get on with. I do not see why we have to wait for further standing orders.
The specific reason that the Presiding Officer referred the matter to this committee was that there was nothing in the standing orders about it. I would have thought that the fact that he referred it indicates that he may be looking for advice from the Procedures Committee before he makes another ruling.
When is the next Opposition day?
It is up to the Conservatives—it is their turn next. I think that they are talking about early September to mid-September. Given that we will need a week when we get back, I suppose it will be in the second or third week of September at the earliest.
The clerk and I had envisaged calling a committee meeting for 7 or 8 September. As we have flagged up the issue, it might be reasonable for us to discuss it at that meeting and see whether consensus exists. We could—perhaps through some resolution of the chamber—operate on that basis pending the adoption of standing orders later in the year. That would give everyone time to think through how they want to play it.
I am a wee bit concerned about cherry- picking some areas; it could be argued that other areas could be dealt with quickly because somebody else on the committee might be highly motivated about them. We will see the context of this issue in the report that we receive from the officers.
You are welcome to chip in with your views on any of those points, Mr McCabe.
I think that there is a good deal of consensus on this. The Conservative group—and certainly its representative on the Parliamentary Bureau—is, I think, minded to follow the view of the Executive, so there is much consensus.
I thought that the convener's statement indicated that there were other views even in the Conservative party. I am sure that that was not lost on Mr McCabe.
Mr McLetchie's comments on the recess dates, after the Parliamentary Bureau had reached a consensus on the matter, were not lost on me either, but there we have it. Other people interpret consensus differently from me.
It is breaking down already.
Shall we return to the discussion of procedures?
Can we have clarification of when and how the report will be issued to us? How much time will we have to consider it?
I have already outlined that, but I will do so again. We felt that a meeting should take place on 7 or 8 September, but that people's diaries were unlikely to lend themselves to our making a final decision on that today. However, we will examine the programme and fit in a meeting on one of those days. By that stage, there will be papers on all the issues, which will be placed before us for discussion. After discussing, debating and—if necessary—voting, we will issue the papers. Over the next month, there will be two further meetings of the committee, during which we will have the option of taking evidence or opinions from people who have an interest in this matter, and of giving members of the Parliament the opportunity to respond with their views. That gives us another two weeks—
I am more interested in when we will receive the papers. That is what I am trying to establish.
As soon as they are ready.
When will that be?
Some of them may be ready very quickly. The aim is to have them ready for the meeting that we will hold in early September. If they are available in advance of that, they can be posted on e-mail, as the papers for this committee were. [Interruption.] The clerks anticipate giving us a single set of papers, which will consider all the issues, towards the end of the recess.
Can we be notified of a date by early August, as diaries begin to fill up quite quickly?
One aspect of procedure that I would like to consider at some stage is the habit of having clerks mutter to conveners rather than advise the committee directly. There is nothing secret going on.
That is an important issue. Having sat through two sets of committee meetings, I believe that the practice looks silly and is quite unnecessary. This is not what happens at meetings of the Parliamentary Bureau, where clerks are quite free to speak. We should seek an early decision on that issue, or make one here today. I am sure that we are allowed to do that.
Surely it is up to individual committees to make that decision.
I think that we can decide for this committee. We do not want to lay down a procedure for other committees.
Can we make a decision for this committee?
We should decide for this committee and feed that decision back through appropriate channels—via the clerk—with a view to other committees' adopting the procedure as a model of good working practice.
We can tell the other committees that we have given our clerk, John Patterson, a voice and wait to see whether they let the other clerks have one.
That takes us to the end of paper PR/99/2/1. Paper PR/99/2/2 is simply for clarification and sets out the order in which we should approach our work. We need to make it clearer than we did at the previous meeting that, in proposing the adoption of standing orders in the autumn to allow us to proceed, the intention was not to make only minor amendments. Today we have tried to suggest that big changes may have to be considered on substantive matters relating to the conduct of debates. We should, therefore, pick out what we regard as the most urgent issues. Other issues are doubtless important, but they do not have the same urgency. In a sense, the good reputation and name of the Parliament depends on our sorting out issues such as parliamentary questions and ensuring that people have the opportunity of adequate debate. Those are the priorities that we have picked out. Paper PR/99/2/2 notes that further necessary changes will become apparent
Does the convener wish to pursue point 1.4 of the paper, which suggests that the people who wrote the standing orders should be allowed to explain their decisions, so that they are not found guilty in their absence, so to speak?
That would be one of the intentions of oral advice. The committee might want to invite the interim clerk or the director of clerking to appear before it to explain various points.
We do not necessarily want to revisit the whole business, but during the recess the officers will identify areas where they have questions about the thinking that went into the original decisions. It might be useful for them to make approaches, as well as to consider lining up oral responses for us at a later stage.
On the handling of parliamentary questions, for example—which was a clear recommendation of the consultative steering group report but seems to have found favour with very few members—it would, as a matter of courtesy and fairness, be helpful to know from the relevant members of the CSG what was in their mind. I would not want to throw out the procedure in its entirety, because there might be a rationale for it that we have simply not discovered. The CSG itself may want to propose a change.
We should remember that the group was making recommendations on paper, whereas we are working in real life.
That is undoubtedly true.
To subject the group to such scrutiny would be inappropriate. It may say that we were quite right to make changes, because what it thought was a good idea at the time has turned out differently in practice.
That is a point well made. We should not take an inquisitorial approach to the group or say to it, "You got this wrong, why did you do it?" This is about seeking clarification and establishing whether there is an angle on the problem that the group missed.
That is exactly what I propose. The intention behind the report is, to some extent, indivisible and centres on the group's view of the Parliament—a view that we, to a greater or lesser degree, all share. If we are questioning a procedure that we think does not work, it may be useful to discuss with the group its intention, because, with a little imagination, we may find another way of doing things that honestly reflects that. That is the spirit in which I suggest this.
Are we all agreed?
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