The first substantive item is our consideration of the audit arrangements for the Scottish rate of income tax arising from the Scotland Act 2012. On the committee’s behalf, I particularly welcome Mr Troup, who is the second permanent secretary at HM Revenue and Customs and who was recently appointed the accountable officer for the Scottish rate of income tax. With him is Sarah Walker, who is deputy director and head of the devolution team at HMRC. Also with us is Mr Morse, who is the Comptroller and Auditor General from the National Audit Office. Welcome to you all.
I shall go first. Thank you for inviting us to the meeting, convener. You have introduced me and Sarah Walker, so I will not go over that. The most important point is that I am here as the additional accounting officer of HMRC and the accounting officer for the Scottish rate of income tax. I am pleased to be here to answer questions.
Thank you. Mr Morse now.
I will make a few comments that I hope will be helpful to the committee. First, thank you for inviting me. I am delighted to be here in my home town—it is nice to be here. I very much recognise the importance of the subject. We, too, want to be as supportive and helpful as we can be. Although there is much to be settled, I will try to be reasonably specific and to give the committee as much of a steer as I can.
Thank you very much.
I will address that in two parts. First, I will talk about the costs, then I will say a little about our performance in this space. That is not to suggest that your concerns are not absolutely legitimate; it is just to provide you with some context.
It is true that our appearances before this committee, the Finance Committee and any other committee are part of it. I also point out the requirement under the Scotland Act 2012 for the Secretary of State for Scotland to publish annual reports on the implementation of the act. The first one of those is due within a year of the passage of the act, so it should come out in the spring. We would expect to put in that quite a substantial level of information about the progress that we are making on implementation. Because we have a fairly extended period to work in—between now and April 2016—the IT implementation is unlikely to take place until the start of the 2014-15 financial year, which means that it will be about 18 months before we start spending serious money on IT. However, between now and then, we will be planning, particularly with the process of contacting people and checking whether they are Scottish taxpayers. There will be some quite significant progress to report in those annual reports to both Parliaments.
That is helpful because, once the Scottish rate of income tax is in place, there will be the annual audit arrangements, which we will go on to discuss. In the meantime, there is no formal process by which we will be able to monitor progress. If we get to 2015 and it transpires that there is a problem with the process or that it will be much more expensive than had been planned, that could cause problems for implementation.
Although we talk, rightly, about a Scottish rate of income tax, it will never be payable except in circumstances where some United Kingdom income tax is payable as well. We have just as much continuing interest in a Scottish taxpayer who pays Scottish income tax as we do in a UK taxpayer, it is just that we have slightly less tax due to us from that taxpayer. Our interest in compliance activities remains the same, and we certainly do not say, for example, “That taxpayer owes £10 and that taxpayer owes £20, so we will have a completely different regime for each of them.” The compliance regime is designed to ensure that all tax that is due is paid. As far as changes to the compliance regime as a result of the Scottish rate of income tax are concerned, it is difficult to see what we would have any incentive to change.
Is it fair to expect that the figure will be on a downward trend, given the Government’s desire to reduce numbers and make savings?
I am told that at present we have 9,364 staff in Scotland, but of course they will not all be dealing just with Scottish taxpayers, because we operate national systems and compliance is operated on a national basis. We have not published detailed headcount forecasts for staff numbers over the period and certainly not a breakdown by region. The overarching point is that there is no incentive or reason for us to make any differential choices about staffing levels in Scotland compared with those in other parts of the UK simply because of the Scottish rate of income tax, because Scottish taxpayers will remain UK taxpayers. We will be accounting to you for only 10p—or such rate as you fix—of their overall tax.
We will have to set up a process to deal with the specific identification of Scottish taxpayers. That will involve dealing with inquiries about whether someone is a Scottish taxpayer; dealing with issues when people move house into or out of Scotland; and dealing with appeals. So within the £45 million, there is potentially some extra staff cost. We are at the early stages—in the planning process—so we certainly have not decided exactly what the jobs are, who the people are and where they will be. Obviously, that is an issue for discussion.
Just to ensure that the committee understands the costing basis, I point out that the Scottish Government is responsible only for identifiable additional costs as a result of the Scottish rate of income tax, so the existing costs that HMRC incurs in relation to compliance activity for taxpayers in Scotland and in the rest of the UK will not be shared out between the Scottish Government and the UK Government. Those costs will continue to be part of the costs of running HMRC. As I say, the Scottish Government will be responsible for identifiable additional costs, which, as Sarah Walker says, will include the costs of any additional people who are needed to identify Scottish taxpayers and to deal with specific problems that arise from that identification. That will include additional IT costs, but not any part of the base costs or any costs of basic changes to the basic systems that HMRC runs.
I have one last question, after which I will give other members a chance to ask questions.
As things stand, Audit Scotland does not have access rights to HMRC. It is therefore inevitable, unless there is a much bigger change, that we will be doing that part of the work for the foreseeable future. Nonetheless, as time goes by, if the Scottish Parliament would like to get its assurance directly from Audit Scotland, I would have no objection to providing Audit Scotland with assurance and it then reporting overall. I do not mind that. I am more than happy to go in whatever direction works for the Scottish Parliament.
Perhaps I can pursue the issue of the Scottish taxpayer, which I think you have all mentioned. I have to say that I am struggling slightly with that. I have a copy of the HMRC technical note that was published in May. My understanding is that a UK taxpayer must live in the UK for 183 days a year, and that a Scottish taxpayer must have one place of residence in the UK, which must be in Scotland.
Sarah Walker will set me right and give some technical details, but first I will make an overarching point. The first thing that one must ask of any taxpayer is whether they are resident in the UK for tax purposes under existing rules. That will continue to be the test after the Scottish rate is introduced.
I would add only that, with regard to Mary Scanlon’s example, if someone lives in Newcastle and that is their main residence, they will not be a Scottish taxpayer. As Edward Troup said, someone must first be within the UK tax net, and we will then look at where their main residence is. If a person’s home is in Newcastle, they will not—regardless of how many days they spend on either side of the border—be a Scottish taxpayer.
So, basically, those who have a Scottish postcode and are resident in Scotland will pay the Scottish rate. If someone comes into Scotland to work, whether on oil rigs or elsewhere—I will stick to oil workers as an example of the many workers who travel to work—but lives elsewhere in the United Kingdom, they will not pay the Scottish rate of income tax.
Broadly speaking, yes—that is right. [Interruption.]
I apologise for our little discussion—Willie Coffey suggested that MPs would perhaps not pay tax, but it appears from the Scottish Parliament information centre briefing that they would.
There is a specific rule that says that all MPs and MEPs who represent a Scottish constituency—as well as all MSPs—will be Scottish taxpayers.
Yes. I apologise for that discussion. I just wanted to demonstrate the point to Mr Coffey as I think that he has other questions on the issue.
If there was a different rate, people’s pay-as-you-earn code would change because to a large extent that code is determined by the rate of tax that someone pays. If the rate changed, we would probably expect more PAYE codes to be issued, and if that was a direct result of a change in the Scottish rate, there would be an additional charge. The £4.2 million is a broad estimate at this stage, because we have not done the work to design the processes and we do not know how much our costs will change, given that it will all happen some time in the future.
But you envisage an increase in costs should the Scottish rate of income tax be different from the UK rate.
Yes, we would expect that to be the case.
A change is likely to create a cost, as all changes do. It is hard to say whether the steady-state costs would be any different if the rate was set at, say, 12p or 8p. The important point, as Sarah Walker said, is that the figures are very much estimates at this stage.
In many ways, this is driven by the decision to have a model that is driven by the actual marginal cost rather than an estimate. For example, in the Isle of Man the arrangement is that HMRC charges a flat-rate estimate that is agreed in advance. That is what the cost of administering Isle of Man tax will be, and there will be no debate about it. However, by having an actual cost, you can win on one side and lose on the other, depending on what the costs do—although that requires quality of information about them.
That is interesting.
To the extent that we can provide information, we will. The process should be open and transparent, and to the extent that our systems are capable of producing such information there is no reason why I should not come to talk to the committee or, through the NAO, make sure that there is proper scrutiny.
I asked about those things because we want to understand economic behaviour in Scotland. Would it be fair to say that the more specifically Scottish information we ask for—for example, the list that I gave—the higher the cost?
That must follow. To the extent that it does not just come off a system that exists at the moment, it will cost more to get more information.
Thank you.
If I may presume to say something at this point—because we will have a role in this—as this goes forward, you will be able to have an adult conversation and ask how difficult it would be to get the information that you want. The more frank that one can be about that, the better—for example, how accurate would the information really be, and what would the costs be? You might judge that some bits of information would not be worth having for the price. To have such conversations on a repeating basis would be a good idea.
Good morning to you all. When I phone up the income tax office on behalf of a constituent, I can get information within five minutes. I hope that that will continue—I am sure that it will in the partnership that you have just described.
I will ask Sarah Walker to give a bit of detail. I should say that the number that we have given is £40 million to £45 million, not £45 million. We have been quite open about the fact that that is an estimate. It is not like a quantity surveyor’s spec for a building. There is not a complete breakdown of all the costs; there is an estimate based on our experience of having to deliver policy change and systems change year on year. We have engaged experts in the department who have had to make similar changes, and they have used a high level of judgment and experience in coming up with that number.
As we said, the big part of setting-up will be the identification of Scottish taxpayers. To do that, we will probably have to do several mailings to people. I am talking about letters, postage and so on and then dealing with a lot of phone calls and inquiries. There will potentially be investigations. There will be publicity, to help people to understand what is going on and what to expect. We will have to deal with employers and help them to set up their systems.
You are saying that an estimated £30 million to £35 million will be used for letters, postage, advertising, mailmerges and so on. I am sure that all members are familiar with such activity, because we constantly do mailmerges for constituents, so that we can send out newsletters and things like that.
We will refine the estimates as we go along. The first phase of the joint work that we are starting with the Scottish Government is to work out the process for identifying Scottish taxpayers. We will have to consider whether to write to people, how many letters to send, when to send them, how to deal with responses and so on.
We do not really know the cost yet. It could go down or up.
HMRC has an established process for any item of expenditure. There must be a business case approval process, and these arrangements will be subject to exactly that process, as any others would be. There will be a degree of rigour, which is something in which Amyas Morse and the NAO are always interested, and which will apply to the expenditure that we are talking about, just as it would apply to any other expenditure of public money.
Thank you for your explanation.
No, sorry—let me be very clear. I am not suggesting anything about Audit Scotland. What I am saying is that we have access rights to HMRC, and therefore if anyone is to carry out an examination of what is happening in HMRC and how it is preparing the Scottish numbers, we will inevitably be involved.
Thank you very much for that clarification.
If I am to report directly to the Scottish Parliament each year on how Scottish income tax is being administered, which I would probably need to be in a position to do and which has been suggested in the command paper, there would need to be a legislative basis on which I could do that. In the medium term, I would certainly not be comfortable about doing something different from what I do now without having a clear statutory basis on which to do it. I am not saying that we could not make some transitional arrangements but, to be honest, if we were to prepare such a report without being clear about the basis on which we were doing it, that would put us in a very funny position. I do not think that that is too much to expect or that it would be too difficult to do.
Thank you very much.
I have a couple of questions about points that Mary Scanlon raised. My first is about the costs of collection and how they would vary according to changes that might or might not be made to tax rates. I presume that when the Chancellor of the Exchequer changes the tax rate—which he might do at any stage—you do not charge him more just because he has done so.
It costs us money to change the tax rate because, as Sarah Walker said, it requires codings to be changed. We have provision within HMRC’s budget for changes in each year’s budget. As it happens, I am responsible for the portfolio of changes, which this year is costing us something north of £30 million. That is part of our normal provisioning for changes year on year as a result of budget and legislative changes.
I understand that. The point that I am driving at is that, post the new mechanisms coming into place, when the Scottish finance secretary of the day in a future Scottish Government varies tax, it would be the equivalent of the UK chancellor varying tax at a UK level. Would you cover that in the same way? Would you use the mechanism that you have just described? Would you hold the same kind of discussions?
We will carry no reserve for changes to the Scottish rate. We would come back explicitly and say, “You have made a change that will cost us £X million. That is to be reimbursed under the memorandum of understanding and the terms of the agreement.”
Will the costs of a change be detailed? What I am driving at is how Parliament will keep an eye on them.
As I said, they will be identifiable additional costs. As with all the on-going costs that we will incur when the Scottish rate is up and running, they will be part of the invoicing and oversight process, which we have touched on.
The principle would be the same as that for the UK.
The principle would be the same.
I appreciate your point about costs, but Mary Scanlon also raised the interesting issue of the ability of the committee and Parliament to ask HMRC to give us numbers on economic aspects. For example, if Parliament wanted to assess the benefits of giving Amazon a chunk of money to relocate a base in Scotland and wanted to understand how much tax Amazon was avoiding, which is a matter of some public disquiet, could we ask you to provide information on the basis of its operations in Scotland and could you tell us that it would cost X to extrapolate the Amazon tax take—or not, as the case may be—in Scotland?
As you know, I and my fellow commissioners are bound by taxpayer confidentiality under the Commissioners for Revenue and Customs Act 2005.
So we could not ask about Amazon.
That principle is very important. When the act was passed in 2005, there was almost complete parliamentary agreement that such confidentiality should be preserved. That confidentiality extends to ministers, so we do not and cannot give ministers in the UK any information on individual taxpayers’ affairs. If ministers say that they would like to give a particular industry a tax break, we can indicate the potential impact on tax revenues and we might even be able to indicate, through our economic analysis, the potential impact on employment, but we cannot say anything about any individual taxpayer to ministers in the UK—and that extends to ministers in Scotland.
Of course.
If the aim was to give a tax break with a particular business in mind, and if the Scottish Parliament could do that—in fact, the legislation does not allow you to do anything other than vary the rate of income tax—we could answer only a generic question about the impact. The issue is hypothetical, because what you described goes far beyond the tax-varying powers in the 2012 act.
However, I am sure that you are well aware that the public are pretty concerned about such things. We want the system in Scotland to be robust, and at the moment it is definitely not robust in some senses—although I could not possibly expect you to comment on that.
Yes. We do a series of reports on HMRC every year. The subject matter of those reports is at my discretion, and I exercise my discretion informedly, if I can put it that way. I try to ensure that I look at serious amounts of money and that we do not leave major areas unexamined. I listen to public concerns and particularly parliamentary concerns. In some cases, HMRC might well like us to examine something. We always do such work completely independently. You will appreciate that we are funded by Parliament and not through the Government.
The point that I am driving at is that if Audit Scotland brought issues to our attention—as it often does—we could encourage your office to look at those issues.
I am always open to representations about what we should look at.
That is fine.
The easy answer for me is that that is a matter for you to take up with your ministers and the Government here. In a sense, our relationship is with them. As Sarah Walker said, the Secretary of State for Scotland will lay section 33 reports, which will cover everything. As I said at the beginning, I am happy to talk to the committee, but I think that you are asking whether there could be a more direct relationship whereby we report changes directly to you. That slightly goes outside the relationship that is envisaged. As I say, I suspect that the issue is for you to take up with your ministers.
The process that we are describing is slightly different from the Scottish variable rate process. With the Scottish variable rate, there was a choice to be made about whether to fund changes that would allow a change in the rate to be delivered and it was possible for the Government to say that it did not want to do that, but the Scottish rate of income tax will have to be in place whether or not the Scottish Parliament wants to set a different rate. Therefore, we will be in a much more straightforward delivery process, which will be as transparent as we can make it. Our reports will represent the choices that we have made about how we are going to deliver, how the process has been funded and what the costs will be.
My point about the Scottish variable rate is that Parliament was not told about the changes and we found out only afterwards. I was contemplating whether you might be able to give me an example from Westminster of a major change to the administration of tax not being brought to Parliament’s attention. Would it always be a matter for ministers, as Mr Troup said, to bring that to Parliament’s attention through the convention of select committees and so on?
I certainly cannot think of any example in which we have not done so, although I suspect that there might be instances in which ministers have taken decisions, or have been involved in or aware of decisions, and Parliament might have felt that it was not informed as soon as it would have liked. I return to the point that the issue is about you holding your ministers to account for their relationship with us.
Just to clear something up, Mr Troup, is it not the case that, in your role as accountable officer, you are accountable to Parliament?
I am.
That accountability is not to ministers.
That is correct; that is the accountability. The Public Accounts Committee can call accounting officers to account, and it does so regularly. As I say, I do not think that this committee has any formal power to call me up here, but I hope that that is an academic point. I hope that—unless you ask me up here every week, which would be difficult—if you ask me, I will try to come.
I want to continue on the point about accountable officers, just to be sure that I am clear in my mind. Am I correct that the HMRC Scottish accounting officer is not comparable to the accountable officer as we know it here in Scotland?
I am sorry, but I am not aware of the responsibilities of an accountable officer here. I thought that the responsibilities were broadly the same. All that I can tell you is that, as set out in the appendix to the memorandum of understanding, I have
Your position is not, in fact, a statutory one.
No. I think that I am right in saying that accounting officers have a statutory basis but what they do is set out under Treasury guidance. Amyas Morse is the expert on that.
That is right; the role is set out under Treasury guidance, and it covers everything about appropriate use of the resources of the department rather than policy issues. Other committees might ask accounting officers to comment on policy issues, but the Public Accounts Committee is explicitly not supposed to consider policy matters. It is supposed to be looking at value for money, efficiency, effectiveness, and probity.
On another issue, when HMRC gave evidence to the Finance Committee in May this year, it seemed to indicate that, if the Scottish Government did something radical with something like stamp duty, it might decline to implement it. Would that also be the case with the SRIT? I cannot imagine that it might be, but if the Scottish Government wanted to bring in some sort of radical change, might you decline to carry it out?
I do not think so. There is a distinction between what we might be asked to do on stamp duty and our obligation to administer the SRIT. As I understand it, the responsibility for raising stamp duty and tax on property transactions now lies with the Scottish Parliament. You may ask us to administer any new tax that you introduce; as it is, you are setting up revenue Scotland. I do not think that we have any legal responsibility to administer any new tax that the Scottish Parliament sets up, such as stamp duty. The distinction is that we have an obligation to administer the SRIT, and the terms under which we would do that are set out in the memorandum of understanding. I do not therefore think that we are free to say that we will not do something in relation to it.
Yes. The only power that the Scottish Parliament has is to vary the rate of the Scottish income tax. We are setting ourselves up to implement that regardless of the rate that is set. There is no other legal power to make any other changes to income tax so it is difficult to imagine the sort of policy changes that the Scottish Parliament might ask for that we would not be able to make.
I just want to be 100 per cent sure about this: mention was made of a publicity campaign in 2015, and I assume that that cost is already included in the £45 million figure.
Yes.
So it is not an additional cost.
We measure our performance in a number of ways. Compliance activity includes ensuring that those people who would not otherwise pay do pay, and making sure that due debt is paid. Performance measurement also covers our customer service, the length of time people have to wait on the phone for an answer, and the time that we take to respond to correspondence. We measure all those things and they are reported on.
Would it be right to assume that the estimated on-going costs, which I think are £4.2 million, include the costs of on-going performance measurement, reporting and so forth?
Our priority will be to report on the elements of performance that are paid for specifically by the Scottish Government. As Edward Troup explained, we will continue with our existing customer service and compliance activity in both Scotland and the rest of the UK. The additional activity will involve maintaining the indicators of Scottish taxpayer status, dealing with enquiries about that status, and dealing with changes in the Scottish rate of income tax. We would expect to have a clear agreement with the Scottish Government on how we will represent and demonstrate value for money in what it is paying for.
The £4.2 million is an estimate. It could perhaps be reduced if we do not do some things, it will go up if we do some other things, and it may change anyway. It is all part of the discussion in the next three years to ensure that the costs, and what the Scottish Government gets for its money, are clearly understood and that we deliver in the most efficient and value-for-money way.
At present, is there within that £4.2 million an element that covers the costs of reporting and performance measurement?
As I said, it is estimated by people who are professionals at estimating the costs of tax changes, based on some very broad assumptions about what would be covered. It is clear that it will include management information—as all tax changes do—so there will be a broad view.
I have two colleagues who want to come in. As a courtesy to our witnesses—I was going to say “guests”, but perhaps that is not right; they are our guest witnesses—we should not run over time for too much longer, because they have to travel. James Dornan will go first, followed by Willie Coffey.
I have a brief question on cost responsibility; many of the questions that I had have already been asked. We have discussed the rough estimates of £40 million to £45 million in set-up costs and £4.2 million in annual costs. Is there a limit to that? Who has the final say on what the cost would be? I accept that a lot of that will be done by negotiation and conversation but, at the end of the day, whose responsibility is it to say, “These are the costs that you have incurred, and this is what you owe us”?
All that has to be approved through the programme board and up to the committees if there are any differences.
The Scottish Government talks about meeting HMRC’s reasonable costs. Who decides what is reasonable? That is the point that I was getting at.
As with any contract or arrangement, the mechanism for dealing with disputes is designed to deal with situations in which one party appears to be being unreasonable or to be incurring unreasonable costs. However, I do not want to incur any unreasonable costs.
I am sure that nobody does.
I think that Mr Dornan will find that the Scottish Parliament supported the Scottish rate of income tax.
I think that you will find that we had little option, but that is a different thing entirely.
I am trying to indicate as much responsiveness as possible by saying that if, at some point in the future, the Scottish Parliament says that it wants an opinion from Audit Scotland, I am happy to contribute to that opinion. I would still have to do a lot of the work, but I would be happy to report through Audit Scotland if you thought that that was right. I am not against doing that if that is how the situation develops over time. However, if we are doing an awful lot of it, it is quite a good idea to have the dog see the rabbit, if you know what I mean—you are going to want to talk to the people who have done the work.
To be fair, that was what I took from your remarks. I was just trying to clarify how the relationship between Audit Scotland and the National Audit Office will work in terms of the Scottish Parliament.
Earlier, Mary Scanlon made a point about oil workers, and I made a remark to her about MPs. Are there any circumstances in which it will be possible for a Scottish MP not to be a Scottish income tax payer?
The legislation says that any person who represents a Scottish constituency will automatically be a Scottish taxpayer.
No matter what they do with regard to the designation of their home or their second home?
It does not matter where they live.
Even if they engage in flipping properties or the other processes that we hear about.
We know where they live. [Laughter.]
That is encouraging.
The process that we have started jointly with the Scottish Government is to identify and define the necessary processes and the IT requirements to identify Scottish taxpayers and operate the Scottish rate. This is about changes to our existing PAYE system and self-assessment system. We have a very good knowledge and understanding of those systems. More or less every year, there is a policy change in the budget that affects those systems and changes need to be made, so we are not doing anything new or unusual. It is something that is relatively predictable for us.
I am encouraged by that. I think that you are telling us that there is a two-way relationship with reference to what is required in the system. You will not deliver a system to the Scottish Government without its clear input and agreement about content and delivery.
That is correct. We set up the delivery process through a project and programme structure in which the Scottish Government has representation at every level, so it will see all our documentation. We have already had a useful workshop with people from the Scottish Government and our experts talked them through, for example, what IT changes are likely to be needed. We are working with the Scottish Government and, where there are choices to be made because there are different ways in which things could be implemented, we hope to involve it very much in that.
That is good. At what point do you think that you will be clearer about the cost? You said that there are only rough figures and estimates at present. At what point will we get some clarity about the set-up costs? Several members mentioned a possible cost of £45 million. When will we be clearer about the real cost?
All that I can say is what I have said before. The first work that we will do is the work on processes, which is not so much about the IT design as it is about the process for contacting people and implementing the identification of Scottish taxpayers. I hope that we will have done some of that work by next summer, so there should be some detail by the time we do the report under the Scotland Act 2012.
On the timing of the expenditure, we expect about £13 million of it to be incurred during the current spending review period—that is, to the end of March 2015. It will not be the case that some enormous amount appears in six months’ time. This is a long project. The expenses will be managed, and what they are will emerge, over that period.
Thank you.
Let me pick that up. The change is now committed to in law and it will happen. A change in the law would be required for it not to happen.
Thank you very much, Mr Troup, Mr Morse and Ms Walker. I also thank you for your forbearance of our overrun. We are usually quite a disciplined committee, but the novelty of your visit led us to get carried away. I apologise for that.
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