Chamber and committees

“Make work pay,” Labour says while making employing people cost much more. Increasing the rate that employers pay and the threshold at which employers start paying is brutal for the public sector and other organisations with modest profits and large workforces that are trying to balance their budgets and plan for growth. The Scottish Government is correct in saying that, if the public sector is not reimbursed for the £500 million cost of employer national insurance contributions, the impact on employees and users of public services in Scotland will add further pain to already stretched sectors.

Due to Scotland having a higher percentage of its workers in the public sector workforce and more generous public sector pay deals, our public services will have disproportionate cost pressures compared with those in the rest of the UK. Scotland is yet again being forced to pay for UK Government mistakes—this time, those of the Labour Party.

Like UK Labour’s cloth-eared approach to means-testing pensioners’ winter fuel payments, the situation demonstrates a lack of care or a lack of understanding of Scotland’s different geography, demographics and economic make-up. Scottish Labour is now in the untenable position of pleading for Scottish votes on a platform of reversing its own Government’s budget positions. If Scottish Labour members are now feeling ignored by their Westminster colleagues, at least they know what Scotland feels like, being consistently ignored and having our resources exploited at the whims of Westminster.

Any funding that Labour claims it will give back to Scotland is, in fact, giving back a proportion of Scotland’s own contribution from our people and our resources, and, if there is no adequate reimbursement, the funding that is given to the public sector will be absorbed by the increased costs of employing its workforce. Labour’s drip-feed, “Will they, won’t they?” approach to mitigation is neither serious nor building any confidence across sectors that need consistency and confidence in order to do their workforce planning.

The urgency of the situation is starkly evident from commentators’ responses to Labour’s UK budget, with the IFS and industry sectors sounding the alarm on the immediate and long-term consequences of this anti-growth budget. The chancellor claims that she has presented a budget for growth, but that needs to be taken with the same large pinch of salt as Labour’s manifesto pledge that it would not increase national insurance. The increased fiscal burden on Scotland’s sizeable public sector will inevitably impact front-line services in healthcare, social care and education, through increased staffing costs. What options are there for balancing budgets other than reducing services, delaying projects, freezing recruitment or even cutting staff to offset increased employment costs?

Short-term thinking must end if we are to have an economy that works for all the people and the businesses in Scotland. A change in that approach is not just necessary but vital. Does Scottish Labour honestly believe in a UK Government solution for funding black holes in its own finances that involves passing the buck to Scottish public services, and to our voluntary sector and our small businesses, by dramatically increasing the cost of employing people? That is not good enough.

I support the Government’s motion, although I do not think that it goes far enough. Labour should rethink this economic vandalism.

Given the controversy surrounding Creative Scotland’s funding of the explicit Rein project, what assurances can the Scottish Government provide to the public that substantive measures have now been taken to address governance failures in the public funding model of allocation and oversight? Can the cabinet secretary confirm whether that happens directly or via the charity Inspiring Scotland?

Given the very distressing scenes in my constituency that occurred over the bonfire night period, what more support could be given to Police Scotland to combat that? Does the cabinet secretary agree that the Fireworks and Pyrotechnic Articles (Scotland) Act 2022 must now be implemented in full, as a matter of urgency, to help to protect those communities?

What action is the Scottish Government taking to address the impact of the housing crisis on women and children, given last month’s joint report by Shelter Scotland and Engender, which showed that women are disproportionately affected by the housing crisis and that they face unique challenges in accessing safe and affordable housing or single-sex temporary accommodation?

We gather today not only to mourn the loss of a political giant but to celebrate the life and legacy of Alex Salmond, Scotland’s most extraordinary First Minister. Alex was not just a leader; he was a unifying force, awakening the political consciousness of a nation and inspiring us to dream bigger for ourselves and for Scotland. To Alex’s beloved wife Moira, his family—Margaret, Gail, Bob—and all who knew him closely, I say that the thoughts and sincere condolences of all in the Alba Party are with you. I hope that the tributes that are pouring in from across Scotland and beyond offer some comfort during this difficult time. We stand beside you in your grief, just as Alex stood beside Scotland in every battle, every challenge and every triumph.

Alex did not just help to shape this institution; he forged its very identity. Under his leadership, the Scottish Parliament transformed from an assembly into a Parliament. His energy, passion and political will were unparalleled. He loved this country with a pride that radiated from his very being. Even his critics could not deny the force of his conviction. When, against all the odds, he led the SNP to a historic majority in 2011, it was not just a victory for a party but a mandate for an idea that the people of Scotland should decide our nation’s future. The 2014 independence referendum, spearheaded by Alex, saw 84 per cent of Scots turn out to have their voices heard. Although the result was not what many of us might have hoped for, the campaign ignited a democratic fire that has not been extinguished.

Alex Salmond’s political life was dedicated to a profound cause: the belief in Scotland’s right to choose our own path. Through that tireless effort, he took the Scottish National Party from the fringes of politics to the pinnacle of Government, making it the dominant force in Scotland. His vision gave this nation the confidence that it had long been denied, and his accomplishments in office speak for themselves. Those included abolishing bridge tolls and prescription charges, eliminating university tuition fees, hosting the Commonwealth games in Glasgow, harnessing Scotland’s green energy potential to position Scotland to take full advantage of the renewables revolution and, of course, the record-breaking Queensferry crossing. His ambition in devolved politics was a statement of competence and confidence in what Scotland could achieve through fairness, compassion and independence.

Alex Salmond was a man of intellect and strategy, but, above all, he was a man of the people. He had the rare ability to make complex issues accessible to everyone, and he took the time to listen to and speak to people across Scotland. Whether he was addressing a crowded village hall or standing before world leaders, he represented Scotland with pride, dignity and a wit that often disarmed even his staunchest opponents.

His presence on the world stage brought our cause to the attention of leaders across Europe and beyond, and his articulate vision of a fairer, more prosperous Scotland inspired generations. Alex showed us that the path to a better Scotland begins with self-belief, and he spread the message far and wide—ensuring that the seeds of ambition were sown in every corner of the land—that Scotland could stand tall, shoulder to shoulder with other nations, proud and independent.

His resilience and confidence were not just admirable but contagious, a source of inspiration that ignited a fire that encouraged us to aim higher and believe in better. He could dismantle an argument with a single quip or rally a movement with a stirring call to arms, his oratory skills leaving both colleagues and adversaries in his shadow. His voice, wisdom and unwavering commitment to justice reassured us all, even in the most challenging of times. He leaves behind a forever changed Scotland that is more confident, more assertive and, above all, determined to control its destiny.

Alex once said:

“The real guardians of progress are not the politicians at Westminster, or even at Holyrood, but the energised activism of tens of thousands of people who I predict will refuse meekly to go back into the political shadows.”

The people of Scotland will honour Alex Salmond’s memory by carrying forward his vision as we continue to fight for a better Scotland, with the confidence and the ambition to become a normal independent nation. Let Alex Salmond be remembered as the First Minister who made the political weather, a leader who inspired ambition by building bridges, not walls. Scotland’s greatest First Minister may no longer be with us, but his spirit, his wisdom and his legacy will guide us forward.

Alex, like too many of those giants on whose shoulders we now stand, may not see the destination of their dream for Scotland, yet one thing is clear. His place on Scotland’s journey is indelibly forged through his determined work and unwavering passion to prevail. [Applause.]

Scotland is clearly an energy-rich nation that should not be facing the prospect of its pensioners freezing to death this winter due to the actions of a callous UK Government. How can Scottish Labour support those actions, when recent research shows that they might result in the deaths of hundreds of Scottish pensioners?

I commend Tess White for securing the debate and for her excellent contribution.

As we celebrate Scottish women and girls in sport week, we must also, as many speakers have done, confront the critical issues that currently affect the future of women’s sport and the safety and rights of women and girls across all areas of life.

Although inclusion is a core value of our society, we must ensure that that does not come at the expense of fairness, safety or the integrity of women and girls, including in sports. One of the most pressing concerns is the impact of policies that allow biological males to compete in the female category. That issue was brought to the fore during the recent Paris Olympics, where the participation of male athletes led to severe concerns being raised about the safety and fairness of competition in the female category.

Physical differences between male and female athletes cannot be ignored. Studies have shown that male athletes have, on average, a significant advantage, which creates a fundamentally unequal playing field in women’s sport, where biological males have the potential to outcompete female athletes.

The safety of women and girls is crucial. In contact sports such as boxing, rugby and mixed martial arts, the inclusion of biological males poses significant physical risks to female athletes. The UN’s 2024 report has been extensively quoted, but it is no bad thing to repeat the statistic that males have, on average, 162 per cent more punching power than females. If everyone watching this debate takes away only that statistic, that would not be a bad thing. Allowing male-born athletes to compete in the female categories of those types of sports not only puts women and girls at significant disadvantage in competition, but risks their personal safety.

It is crucial to repeat—as I have done many times here in the past few months—that gender self-identification is not the law in Scotland. Scottish law has not changed, despite pressure from the Government and others to adopt self-ID in various areas, including sport. Those protections must be rigorously defended if the integrity and fairness of competition in sport are to be upheld. The right for women and girls to compete in a fair and safe environment should be protected by policies that do not allow male-born athletes—with the physical advantages that they retain—to self-identify into female categories.

The on-going debate within governing bodies, such as World Athletics, FINA and World Rugby, reflects the growing recognition and acknowledgement of the impact that such policies have on women’s sport. In an acknowledgement of the risks to fairness and safety, some governing bodies have already moved to prevent transgender women from competing in female categories.

As we look ahead to the Glasgow Commonwealth games in 2026, we have a unique opportunity to inspire women and girls to participate in sport. The world will be watching us and we must ensure that the opportunities remain fair and safe for female athletes. Leaders such as Judy Murray have worked tirelessly to promote girls’ participation in sport. We can build on that legacy by protecting single-sex categories at all levels of competition, and I will be interested in hearing what the Government is doing to ensure that for 2026.

The consequences of not addressing the risk to female sport go beyond the immediate risk to the physical safety of women and girls. If their safety, dignity and aspirations cannot be assured, the very inclusion of women and girls in sport is at risk.

How many Scottish pensioners are now excluded from receiving the winter fuel payment in 2024-25? What assurances has the Scottish Government had from the UK Government that a mass-media pension-credit claim campaign will increase uptake for eligible claimants, before the 21 December pension credit cut-off date, to enable them to qualify for a winter fuel payment?

It is 10 years since the momentous day when real power shifted to the people of Scotland. On 18 September 2014, for 15 hours, Scotland’s future was truly in Scotland’s hands. That event energised Scotland, but, since the polls closed and the results fell short, what has happened to the energy that brought 84 per cent of Scotland out to vote?

Since then, we have had four UK general elections, one of which even sent 56 SNP MPs to settle up. We have had two Scottish Parliament and two Scottish council elections, a European election, an EU referendum and countless by-elections. We have endured six UK Prime Ministers, four Scottish First Ministers and 11 leaders of the Scottish Labour Party.

Time really has passed, because one of the two ferries that was ordered in 2014 is now actually floating. We have had more SNP manifesto promises with matching mandates than you can shake a stick at, yet here we still are, wringing our hands in despair at the inevitable mismanaged decline of a UK that is trying to convince itself that it still functions. My point is that a generation has unquestionably passed.

The people of Scotland who are watching at home must be wondering what work has been done to enable us to answer some of those big questions—not just those from 2014, but those about Scotland’s future from 2024 and beyond, such as on currency, pensions, borders, immigration, the economy and so on. However, once the people gifted this Government the power, it largely forgot about independence. Aside from a brief paper exercise, independence was irrelevant to it, and running a devolved ship took its attention and became its priority. It was too focused on playing whack-a-mole with what it would describe as the big issues of the day, and for 10 years it was nearly impossible for this Government to answer the most basic questions, such as “What is a woman?” We have now answered that question for the Government in this chamber; self-identification is not the law, and a woman is, and always will be, an adult human female.

Why has the Scottish Government been missing in action? It has declared everything to be “world leading” and has chased down magical progression points as though it is on an “I’m a Celebrity ... Get Me Out of Here!” bush-tucker trial rather than delivering, demanding and demonstrating that the best Scotland for the people is here—it is the one where we remove the walls of devolution and chart a new course of self-determination.

In the absence of the Government making the weather and answering the big questions of 2014, the grass-roots movement stepped up. It is time to harness that talent across Scotland and again unite to bring groups such as the Common Weal, the Scottish currency group and Believe in Scotland into the light. Only our collective effort can make a real difference.

Surely, any speaker who has a seat in this Parliament is entitled to put forward their suggestion for how we should go forward, and that is what I intend to set out.

Nothing says self-determination like putting the question of independence into the hands of the British Supreme Court. That predictably British answer to the ill-fated attempt to do something without thought to the next steps disabused many trusting independence supporters of the illusion of a secret plan. I am not too sure what we expected when we had to board our British Airways flight to go down to the British non-ministerial Government department—the British Supreme Court—which sat in London and gave a judgment under a British flag, swearing an oath to a British Queen. We have heard what the British think; now it is time to listen to the people of Scotland.

I want to maintain the spirit of the referendum. It was a time when everyone came together and put our differences aside for independence. As members know, I rarely agree with the Green Party on anything, and I do not fully agree with the amendment that it has lodged, but I will support it as an addition to the toolkit for independence. The promised constitutional convention is well overdue, but the next best time for it is now. I will also support the Government motion from the First Minister. Likewise, in the face of recurrent defeat, I have offered to support the upcoming budget on the basis of mutual support for a policy that was endorsed by the Scottish National Party conference and included in the Scottish Government’s strategic approach to prostitution. My unbuyable bill is definitely supportable.

There are three pro-independence parties in the chamber. If we start working on it today, we still have the time and the arithmetic to turn the ship around and achieve independence, because the Scottish Parliament is the voice of the Scottish people and it can play a crucial role in our journey towards independence.

I move amendment S6M-14524.1, to insert at end:

“and considers that, 10 years on from the Scottish independence referendum, the next democratic opportunity must be set, with a commitment to use the Scottish Parliament election list vote as a plebiscite for the people of Scotland to demonstrate their constitutional choice for independence.”