This is my last speech to Parliament as a member, after 10 years. As a back bencher and a front bencher, as a party leader and a committee convener, I have always tried to speak out not only for the labour and trade union movements who sent me here, but for all of those oppressed, denied justice, exploited, voiceless—and so, for those seasonal migrant workers, toiling on our farms; for the miners, still demanding justice; and for our crofters, whose historic land rights and security of tenure this Parliament must not merely defend but must advance, and so let flourish.

It feels right to make my final speech in a debate led for Labour by Rhoda Grant, whose unswerving, loyal support to me in Parliament I have valued above all others’, and in a debate which, at its very essence, is about power, is about wealth, is about control and its ugly, unequal distribution. It is a debate, as well, on this distinctively Scottish landholding system, and so a debate which reminds of the very reason why so many of us fought so hard, for so long, for this Parliament to be created.

Although, I am bound to say that this Crofting and Scottish Land Court Bill is another example of a Government bereft of ambition. When we needed radical reform, we find timidity and mediocrity. Eight years in the making, the Government has come up with a largely technical bill, which we will vote for, but it is the same formula that the Government has been habitually serving up—on the broader question of land reform, on a national care service, on community wealth building. When we need real change, we are presented with a tepid continuity, with the result that too much power still rests in too few hands, from the commanding heights of our economy to the ownership of our land, where the old aristocracy and the new billionaire class—too often, absentees both—remain in charge. And yet we still hear calls, even during this stage 3 debate, in this, the third decade of the 21st century, in this Parliament, for the entitled voice of the laird and the privileged status of the landlord to be afforded their due place, as if they were a silent—they were an underrepresented—class in our society. If only they were.

I have always believed that we make our own history, and we have seen glimpses of what is possible, from the abolition of feudalism in the first parliamentary session, to public ownership of the railways in this—reminders that we can be ambitious, that we can have vision, that we can give people hope, that we can redistribute power and wealth. So I do not despair. My head is not bowed. I remain optimistic that we can return to radical reform, including of crofting, in the next session of Parliament.

Before I finish, before I leave for the last time, I want to thank the outstanding people who have worked with me over the last 10 years: Billy McCauley, Thomas Mulvey, Craig Miller, Lesley Brennan, Lauren Harper, Linda Shevlin, Rich Simcox, and the one person who has been there from the very first to the very last, Mike Holmes. I thank my family, without whose love and support I would never have been here, never been able to lead the Scottish Labour Party, never been able to fight the good fight. Let me thank especially my wife Karen, who has been with me day and night, through the ups and downs of a life in front-line politics. I do not know where I would be without her.

So let me finish where it all began: two years after the very first crofters holdings act was passed, in direct response to the land raids, the forced Highland clearances, the battles against eviction—resistance often led by the women of the crofts—it was the crofters, led by their MP, Dr G B Clark, and the miners, led by Keir Hardie, who came together with the Scottish Home Rule Association in 1888 to found the Scottish Labour Party. It was a turning point in history. So let my closing words in this Parliament be the closing words of James Keir Hardie in “From Serfdom to Socialism”. They speak across the centuries. They echo down the ages. Let this be my parting hymn:

“Socialism with its promise of freedom, its larger hope for humanity, its triumph of peace over war, its binding of the races of the earth into one all-embracing brotherhood, must”—

must, must—

“prevail.”

17:41

This is my last speech to Parliament as a member, after 10 years. As a back bencher and a front bencher, as a party leader and a committee convener, I have always tried to speak out not only for the labour and trade union movements who sent me here, but for all of those oppressed, denied justice, exploited, voiceless—and so, for those seasonal migrant workers, toiling on our farms; for the miners, still demanding justice; and for our crofters, whose historic land rights and security of tenure this Parliament must not merely defend but must advance, and so let flourish.

It feels right to make my final speech in a debate led for Labour by Rhoda Grant, whose unswerving, loyal support to me in Parliament I have valued above all others’, and in a debate which, at its very essence, is about power, is about wealth, is about control and its ugly, unequal distribution. It is a debate, as well, on this distinctively Scottish landholding system, and so a debate which reminds of the very reason why so many of us fought so hard, for so long, for this Parliament to be created.

Although, I am bound to say that this Crofting and Scottish Land Court Bill is another example of a Government bereft of ambition. When we needed radical reform, we find timidity and mediocrity. Eight years in the making, the Government has come up with a largely technical bill, which we will vote for, but it is the same formula that the Government has been habitually serving up—on the broader question of land reform, on a national care service, on community wealth building. When we need real change, we are presented with a tepid continuity, with the result that too much power still rests in too few hands, from the commanding heights of our economy to the ownership of our land, where the old aristocracy and the new billionaire class—too often, absentees both—remain in charge. And yet we still hear calls, even during this stage 3 debate, in this, the third decade of the 21st century, in this Parliament, for the entitled voice of the laird and the privileged status of the landlord to be afforded their due place, as if they were a silent—they were an underrepresented—class in our society. If only they were.

I have always believed that we make our own history, and we have seen glimpses of what is possible, from the abolition of feudalism in the first parliamentary session, to public ownership of the railways in this—reminders that we can be ambitious, that we can have vision, that we can give people hope, that we can redistribute power and wealth. So I do not despair. My head is not bowed. I remain optimistic that we can return to radical reform, including of crofting, in the next session of Parliament.

Before I finish, before I leave for the last time, I want to thank the outstanding people who have worked with me over the last 10 years: Billy McCauley, Thomas Mulvey, Craig Miller, Lesley Brennan, Lauren Harper, Linda Shevlin, Rich Simcox, and the one person who has been there from the very first to the very last, Mike Holmes. I thank my family, without whose love and support I would never have been here, never been able to lead the Scottish Labour Party, never been able to fight the good fight. Let me thank especially my wife Karen, who has been with me day and night, through the ups and downs of a life in front-line politics. I do not know where I would be without her.

So let me finish where it all began: two years after the very first crofters holdings act was passed, in direct response to the land raids, the forced Highland clearances, the battles against eviction—resistance often led by the women of the crofts—it was the crofters, led by their MP, Dr G B Clark, and the miners, led by Keir Hardie, who came together with the Scottish Home Rule Association in 1888 to found the Scottish Labour Party. It was a turning point in history. So let my closing words in this Parliament be the closing words of James Keir Hardie in “From Serfdom to Socialism”. They speak across the centuries. They echo down the ages. Let this be my parting hymn:

“Socialism with its promise of freedom, its larger hope for humanity, its triumph of peace over war, its binding of the races of the earth into one all-embracing brotherhood, must”—

must, must—

“prevail.”

17:41

This is my last speech to Parliament as a member, after 10 years. As a back bencher and a front bencher, as a party leader and a committee convener, I have always tried to speak out not only for the labour and trade union movement who sent me here, but for all of those oppressed, denied justice, exploited, voiceless—and so, for those seasonal migrant workers, toiling on our farms; for the miners, still demanding justice; and for our crofters, whose historic land rights and security of tenure this Parliament must not merely defend but must advance, and so let flourish.

It feels right to make my final speech in a debate led for Labour by Rhoda Grant, whose unswerving, loyal support to me in Parliament I have valued above all others’, and in a debate which, at its very essence, is about power, is about wealth, is about control and its ugly, unequal distribution. It is a debate, as well, on this distinctively Scottish landholding system, and so a debate which reminds us of the very reason why so many of us fought so hard, for so long, for this Parliament to be created.

Although, I am bound to say that this Crofting and Scottish Land Court Bill is another example of a Government bereft of ambition. When we needed radical reform, we find timidity and mediocrity. Eight years in the making, the Government has come up with a largely technical bill, which we will vote for, but it is the same formula that the Government has been habitually serving up—on the broader question of land reform, on a national care service, on community wealth building. When we need real change, we are presented with a tepid continuity, with the result that too much power still rests in too few hands, from the commanding heights of our economy to the ownership of our land, where the old aristocracy and the new billionaire class—too often, absentees both—remain in charge. And yet we still hear calls, even during this stage 3 debate, in this, the third decade of the 21st century, in this Parliament, for the entitled voice of the laird and the privileged status of the landlord to be afforded their due place, as if they were a silent—they were an underrepresented—class in our society. If only they were.

I have always believed that we make our own history, and we have seen glimpses of what is possible, from the abolition of feudalism in the first parliamentary session, to public ownership of the railways in this—reminders that we can be ambitious, that we can have vision, that we can give people hope, that we can redistribute power and wealth. So I do not despair. My head is not bowed. I remain optimistic that we can return to radical reform, including of crofting, in the next session of Parliament.

Before I finish, before I leave for the very last time, I want to thank the outstanding people who have worked with me over the last 10 years: Billy McCauley, Thomas Mulvey, Craig Miller, Lesley Brennan, Lauren Harper, Linda Shevlin, Rich Simcox, and the one person who has been there from the very first to the very last, Mike Holmes. I thank my family, without whose love and support I would never have been here, never been able to lead the Scottish Labour Party, never been able to fight the good fight. Let me thank especially my wife Karen, who has been with me day and night, through the ups and downs of a life in front-line politics. I do not know where I would be without her.

So let me finish where it all began: two years after the very first crofters holdings act was passed, in direct response to the land raids, the forced Highland clearances, the battles against eviction—resistance often led by the women of the crofts—it was the crofters, led by their MP, Dr G B Clark, and the miners, led by Keir Hardie, who came together with the Scottish Home Rule Association in 1888 to found the Scottish Labour Party. It was a turning point in history. So let my closing words in this Parliament be the closing words of James Keir Hardie in “From Serfdom to Socialism”. They speak across the centuries. They echo down the ages. Let this be my parting hymn:

“Socialism with its promise of freedom, its larger hope for humanity, its triumph of peace over war, its binding of the races of the earth into one all-embracing brotherhood, must”—

must, must—

“prevail.”

17:41

This is my last speech to Parliament as a member, after 10 years. As a back bencher and a front bencher, as a party leader and a committee convener, I have always tried to speak out not only for the labour and trade union movements who sent me here, but for all of those oppressed, denied justice, exploited, voiceless—and so, for those seasonal migrant workers, toiling on our farms; for the miners, still demanding justice; and for our crofters, whose historic land rights and security of tenure this Parliament must not merely defend but must advance, and so let flourish.

It feels right to make my final speech in a debate led for Labour by Rhoda Grant, whose unswerving, loyal support to me in Parliament I have valued above all others’, and in a debate which, at its very essence, is about power, is about wealth, is about control and its ugly, unequal distribution. It is a debate, as well, on this distinctively Scottish landholding system, and so a debate which reminds us of the very reason why so many of us fought so hard, for so long, for this Parliament to be created.

Although, I am bound to say that this Crofting and Scottish Land Court Bill is another example of a Government bereft of ambition. When we needed radical reform, we find timidity and mediocrity. Eight years in the making, the Government has come up with a largely technical bill, which we will vote for, but it is the same formula that the Government has been habitually serving up—on the broader question of land reform, on a national care service, on community wealth building. When we need real change, we are presented with a tepid continuity, with the result that too much power still rests in too few hands, from the commanding heights of our economy to the ownership of our land, where the old aristocracy and the new billionaire class—too often, absentees both—remain in charge. And yet we still hear calls, even during this stage 3 debate, in this, the third decade of the 21st century, in this Parliament, for the entitled voice of the laird and the privileged status of the landlord to be afforded their due place, as if they were a silent—they were an underrepresented—class in our society. If only they were.

I have always believed that we make our own history, and we have seen glimpses of what is possible, from the abolition of feudalism in the first parliamentary session, to public ownership of the railways in this—reminders that we can be ambitious, that we can have vision, that we can give people hope, that we can redistribute power and wealth. So I do not despair. My head is not bowed. I remain optimistic that we can return to radical reform, including of crofting, in the next session of Parliament.

Before I finish, before I leave for the very last time, I want to thank the outstanding people who have worked with me over the last 10 years: Billy McCauley, Thomas Mulvey, Craig Miller, Lesley Brennan, Lauren Harper, Linda Shevlin, Rich Simcox, and the one person who has been there from the very first to the very last, Mike Holmes. I thank my family, without whose love and support I would never have been here, never been able to lead the Scottish Labour Party, never been able to fight the good fight. Let me thank especially my wife Karen, who has been with me day and night, through the ups and downs of a life in front-line politics. I do not know where I would be without her.

So let me finish where it all began: two years after the very first crofters holdings act was passed, in direct response to the land raids, the forced Highland clearances, the battles against eviction—resistance often led by the women of the crofts—it was the crofters, led by their MP, Dr G B Clark, and the miners, led by Keir Hardie, who came together with the Scottish Home Rule Association in 1888 to found the Scottish Labour Party. It was a turning point in history. So let my closing words in this Parliament be the closing words of James Keir Hardie in “From Serfdom to Socialism”. They speak across the centuries. They echo down the ages. Let this be my parting hymn:

“Socialism with its promise of freedom, its larger hope for humanity, its triumph of peace over war, its binding of the races of the earth into one all-embracing brotherhood, must”—

must, must—

“prevail.”

17:41

I simply ask, while there is still time, that this appeal be included in the corporate body’s legacy report to the next session of the Parliament.

I remind members of my voluntary entry in the register of members’ interests. To ask the Scottish Parliamentary Corporate Body whether it will reinstate the bust of Michael “Mick” McGahey previously displayed in the garden lobby. (S6O-05643)

Last month, a report commissioned by Unison into Scottish Water questioned the regulatory framework. It warned of creeping privatisation, the ripping up of trade union policies and procedures, the outsourcing not only of major capital works but of day-to-day operations, and the rise of a fat-cat bosses’ bonuses culture, which I know the cabinet secretary has to defend, if for no other reason than that the First Minister signed them off for over a decade when he was the finance secretary.

Will the Government back the calls in the report for a root-and-branch review into this creeping privatisation, this growing overreliance on private subcontractors and this extraction of profits from a public good to line the pockets of private shareholders, or is the cabinet secretary content to see this public utility privatised by stealth?

I remind members of my voluntary register of trade union interests. To ask the Scottish Government whether it is content with the governance, accountability and delivery of both Scotland’s water supply and waste water treatment services. (S6O-05676)

It was wonderful to see the magnificent Ian Homer Walters bust on display for the centenary of Mick McGahey’s birth, but I express my dismay to see him replaced a few weeks ago by a white marble cube. Mick McGahey was a self-taught, working-class visionary and a catalyst who reignited calls for the creation of this Parliament as far back as 1968. His ashes are buried under this building, and his image should be displayed inside this building. That should be part of our legacy, and it should be permanent—

I remind members of my voluntary register of trade union interests.

Can I pay tribute to Kate Forbes, who, in my view, has been a breath of fresh air as an active and interventionist cabinet secretary for the economy.

Yesterday, another vehicle manufacturer in central Scotland, Volvo Construction Equipment, announced plans to close its factory near Holytown. Will the Deputy First Minister respect the fact that there will now be a statutory redundancy consultation with trade unions to consider options for averting closure and avoiding redundancies altogether, and, in that spirit, will the Government urgently meet the GMB and the company to consider how these 120 highly skilled jobs can be saved?