Chamber and committees

Last year’s Hayward review, which we should hear about later today, noted that the impact on learners with disabilities and those with additional support needs should be considered in the creation of any new Scottish qualification. Can the minister outline whether the Scottish Government plans to review educational bodies to ensure that they are delivering a positive outcome for pupils with disabilities and those with additional support needs in developing that qualification?

To ask the Scottish Government what assessment it has made of the reported reduction to the investing in communities fund and any impact on its aim of addressing poverty and disadvantage. (S6O-03741)

In July, third sector organisations were told, with little warning, that funding from the investing in communities fund would be cut by 5 per cent. Those organisations include the Larder in Edinburgh, which uses those funds to provide access to meals and to family and adult cookery classes.

Does cutting funds for third sector organisations align with the First Minister’s priority of tackling child poverty? Can the minister confirm whether there will be further cuts to the investing in communities fund?

I have been contacted by businesses, residents and visitors in Leith, Edinburgh regarding escalating issues of antisocial behaviour outside Newkirkgate shopping centre. It is becoming a common occurrence for assaults to take place and for needles to be left lying on the ground. Although the joined-up approach as set out in the review on antisocial behaviour is necessary, short-term action must also be taken. Can the minister advise how the Scottish Government is empowering the police to stop antisocial behaviour as it happens?

I will leave it for the Scottish Government to tell us where the teachers will come from, because there are shortages of teachers in every sector.

The bill also contains provisions to give local authorities the power to designate areas of linguistic significance. The proposed recognition of areas where Gaelic is spoken is welcome, but the bill is light on details of what that will entail. The financial memorandum states that there will be no costs associated with the bill. The bill proposes that ministers be given powers to create standards and requirements for education authorities in relation to Gaelic, but the responsibilities to be placed on local authorities should be clarified. We must not have another bill that gives more responsibilities to councils that are already struggling, but which does not give them the resources to meet those additional responsibilities.

Gaelic and Scots should not be reserved for train signs and tourists. They are living languages, but they face threats from many different directions. At present, the bill does not account for those threats, but we must not miss this opportunity to safeguard Scottish culture. I hope that Scottish Labour can work with other parties to amend the bill to ensure that it responds to the pressing challenges that Gaelic and Scots face.

Gaelic and Scots are part of the historical and cultural fabric of this country. It is estimated that some form of Gaelic has been spoken in Scotland since the fourth century. Gaelic is in our songs and place names and our national bard wrote in Scots, but those languages are not confined to history and culture. They are living and are used daily across Scotland, but they must be supported if they are to thrive.

Gaelic, in particular, is in a worrying state. A study by the University of the Highlands and Islands warned that it could die as a living language within decades. Although the number of people with some understanding of Gaelic has risen, according to the most recent census, the number of people who speak it in the Western Isles, where it is used most, has fallen.

The struggle of the Gaelic language, despite Government initiatives over the years, is linked to many other issues that members have raised today. A lack of job opportunities in Gaelic-speaking areas and of suitable housing in rural and island communities means that people who grow up speaking Gaelic have no choice but to leave. Much of the housing in those areas is older and less energy efficient, which makes living there more expensive. Those issues all tie in with the wider depopulation that is taking place in rural Scotland.

We have to get this right, so the current scope of the bill is disappointing. It focuses largely on education, but the challenges that are faced by Gaelic and Scots are multifaceted. Of course, a bill cannot be everything at once, but we must recognise the issues.

Stakeholders have welcomed the proposed creation of Scots and Gaelic strategies, but we must work to ensure that ministers are able to create strategies that are genuinely consequential. Earlier this year, the First Minister said that the Scottish Government published too many strategies and that it should focus on delivery. Currently, however, Gaelic and Scots strategies will not even be delivered until 2028. We cannot afford to waste time.

Expanding access to education is undoubtedly important. Last week, my colleague Michael Marra and I met Sabhal Mòr Ostaig—a Gaelic college based in Skye. We were told that although many students receive part of their education in Gaelic, they lose out as they move on to other education providers who cannot give lessons in Gaelic. Ensuring the provision of Gaelic education in primary and secondary schools as well as in further education is key to ensuring that the language has a strong future.

However, education will mean little if young people cannot find a home or a job in areas where their language is spoken.

We recognise that this is a damning report on an organisation that should be providing a vital service to women during an incredibly difficult time. Female survivors should be treated with respect and should be able to choose what is best for them. All referrals to the service have now been stopped, which leaves survivors with no help. Where will those women be directed to now? What action is the Scottish Government taking to ensure that women and girls in Edinburgh and Lothian can access this vital service?

In July, I was contacted by Andrea, who cares for her two disabled daughters. Her home requires adaptations, but it is not large enough for the daughters’ wheelchair or the specific bed that is recommended by the physiotherapist. Andrea’s housing association will not extend the house and has no suitable homes available. Another housing association refuses to fit dropped showers.

How is the Scottish Government working to ensure that housing associations and local authorities uphold their duties to provide essential adaptations, including beds?

I agree with Mr Ewing. I think that we should also ask the Government to provide local councils with ring-fenced funding for that.

In 2021, the First Minister, then Cabinet Secretary for Education and Skills, said that free school meals were a landmark policy. Successive First Ministers committed and re-committed to the policy. Those empty promises are now coming home to roost. If it is not school meals, it is the pledge to give an electronic device to every child, which then became every household, being cancelled, or the pledge to give bikes to children in poverty being cancelled after only 6,800 were delivered—that is less than 3 per cent of the 250,000 children who are in poverty. The Scottish Government promised an increase in teachers and teaching assistant numbers by 3,500, but we now have 250 fewer.

Make no mistake, our children are suffering because of these failures. While we have had this SNP Government, education standards have undoubtedly fallen. The programme for international student assessment results from last year made it clear as day. Our science and maths scores in 2006 were 515 and 506, and they have now fallen to 483 and 471. The poverty-related attainment gap grew in the most recent exam results. For a Government that seemingly sees the issue as a priority, that should be a mark of shame.

Another broken promise on increasing non-contact time by 90 minutes is placing teachers under more pressure. A WPI Economics report found that that would be possible only by raising teacher numbers, but they are now falling. Twenty per cent of teachers are leaving during their probation year, with many reporting stress as a factor. Children will experience the consequences of those broken promises, with large classes and overworked teachers. That will serve only to entrench inequalities and increase the attainment gap that the SNP says it wants to eliminate.

The social attitudes survey this year showed trust in the Scottish Government at the lowest it has ever been, and U-turns such as this are fuelling that perception. The public wants the Scottish Government to succeed and to improve people’s lives, but announcing policies and then going back on them is eroding trust. When politicians make promises and fail to deliver, it reflects badly not only on the Government but on us all. We must understand that headlines are not a replacement for good governance. Governments should do what they say they will do; they should not over-promise and then cry foul when they are unable to deliver.

We need tangible action to give children the best start in life. We need a real living wage to ensure that parents have money to put food on the table, an end to zero-hour contracts to allow stable work, and lower energy bills that are not at the mercy of the global market. That is how we can truly deliver.