The Scottish Government is a progressive Government that has equality at the heart of our policies and actions. We are disappointed that the United Kingdom has fallen in the recent ILGA-Europe rainbow index of LGBTI equality laws. The Scottish Government remains committed to delivering equality for all people in Scotland, including the LGBTQI+ community.

Although much of equality law is reserved to the UK Government, our 2025-26 programme for government committed to

“Creating safe spaces for the LGBTQI+ community—funding work that tackles discrimination and upholds the human rights of this group, including through the Equality and Human Rights Fund, and progressing actions within the Non-Binary Equality Action Plan”,

as well as taking forward our commitment to ending conversion practices. We continue to work closely with LGBTQI+ stakeholders as we progress that work.

I thank Evelyn Tweed for the opportunity to reaffirm the Scottish Government’s commitment to advancing equality for LGBTQI+ people and to promoting, protecting and realising the rights of every LGBTQI+ person in Scotland.

We are providing funding of more than £1.1 million to organisations that work to promote LGBTQI+ equality in Scotland in 2025-26. That supports a range of projects to tackle inequality and realise the rights of LGBTQI+ people across all areas of Scottish life. We are working to implement our non-binary equality action plan and take forward our commitment to ending conversion practices, including those on the basis of gender identity.

We will continue to work with a wide range of third sector organisations to ensure that the voices of those with lived experience can help to improve the outcomes for LGBTQI+ communities across Scotland.

First, if you will indulge me, Presiding Officer, I would like to speak directly to migrants in Scotland. I understand that they might be concerned about the uncertainties ahead, and I want them to know that their contributions in Scotland are valued.

Secondly, I thank the Deputy First Minister for highlighting migration’s economic value in her opening remarks. I thank colleagues from across the chamber for their mainly measured and thoughtful contributions, and I acknowledge the constructive tone that Liz Smith set.

The Government will continue to support migrants and employers to navigate the existing immigration system through Scotland’s migration service. We will continue to listen to our stakeholders’ needs and to push the UK Government for change that recognises our distinct demographic challenges.

We are reforming our approach to skills at a national level. We need sustainable communities, and our population strategy is helping us to work towards that goal. Those efforts reflect the approach of this internationalist, outward-looking Government, and we continue to do all that we can to support migrants.

Let me be very clear that the Government completely rejects the hostile approach that the UK Government is taking. That point has been reinforced by contributions from across the chamber, including from Maggie Chapman, Karen Adam, Collette Stevenson, Emma Harper and Foysol Choudhury.

Migration benefits all sectors of our community and has a key role in Scotland’s prosperity. However, talking solely in numerical terms paints an incomplete picture. Migrants are more than numbers going up and down and are about more than innovation, productivity and skills; they are, in fact, woven into the very fabric of Scotland’s communities. Our society is enriched by culture from around the world that migrants bring with them to Scotland, and, indeed, by hearing people’s personal stories at the heart of this chamber, which all helps to develop the vibrant, multicultural Scotland that we see today.

Regarding the white paper, the most recent UK election offered an opportunity to reset the relationship between the Scottish Government and the UK Government. Unfortunately, Scotland’s needs are still being ignored. The Scottish Government issued comprehensive, evidence-based proposals for the white paper, and yet the white paper offered no evidence that Scotland’s needs were considered. There was no substantive engagement on the proposals that we submitted.

The UK Government’s proposals threaten our essential public services. It is not just us saying that—Donald Macaskill, the chief executive officer of Scottish Care, has warned:

“Without the ability to attract and to retain international colleagues, it is no exaggeration to say that care would not be able to be delivered in whole swathes of our nation.”

How does the UK Government expect us to develop domestic skills when policies threaten the viability of our education landscape, for instance? Where will we see growth if businesses cannot access the essential skills that they need?

Enoch Adeyemi, chief executive officer of Black Professionals (UK) Ltd, shares our calls for a tailored immigration system that reflects Scotland’s needs. His organisation endorses initiatives such as the Scottish graduate visa to retain diverse talent and ensure that Scotland remains a global hub for innovation and opportunity. Workforce shortages cannot be solved by training alone. The Migration Advisory Committee has cautioned that increasing domestic skills does not guarantee reducing migration, as migrant and domestic workers are not perfect substitutes.

The white paper regards social care as low skilled, but providers in Scotland have disputed that characterisation. They argue that providing care compassionately, day in, day out, is highly skilled and valued. International recruitment is already expensive, and organisations would not be doing that lightly. If the UK Government is not listening to stakeholders, experts or evidence, who are the proposals for? Who benefits from that approach? It is not Scotland; it is not our social care workforce; and it is not our higher education sector, our rural economy or our islands community. The UK Government must stop pandering to Reform, acknowledge the damaging nature of its proposals and change course.

Net migration figures reduce the entirety of migrants who come to the UK to one number. They erase the diverse contributions within that figure and force us to calculate migrants in terms of net good or net bad. The UK Government wants to lower that one number. It wants to reduce the number of talented individuals who contribute to Scotland’s economy and public services, restrict international knowledge exchange and innovation, and restrict people bringing family members here to build their lives in Scotland.

I can give that assurance—I have already done that regarding the visa situation. There are clear tests in place with regard to the pause that we currently have in place. It is not a decision that we take lightly. There are clear tests that have to be met, I can share further details of that with Mr Simpson, should he wish to have them.

The Prime Minister talks of “incalculable” damage being caused by so-called open borders. I disagree with that. I would like to address some points that were raised by Jeremy Balfour and Graham Simpson regarding legal migration versus illegal migration.

We have a moral obligation to offer a place of safety to desperate people who are fleeing conflict and persecution. The lack of safe and legal routes to the UK does not prevent, and has not prevented, people from coming, and it forces already vulnerable people to make extremely dangerous and life-threatening journeys across the Channel. Any damage has come from short-sighted, restrictive immigration policies and dehumanising language inflicted by, unfortunately, successive UK Government Administrations.

Last month, the First Minister chaired a round-table meeting with stakeholders from across Scotland’s businesses and institutions and heard directly from them about the issues that the immigration white paper risks causing to our communities and economy. In the coming weeks, the Scottish Government will publish a position paper outlining the concerns that were raised at the meeting. We will also publish the proposal document that was sent by the Scottish Government to the Home Office during the development of the white paper.

I come to my final two sentences, and I thank Maggie Chapman and Alex Cole-Hamilton for inspiring me, because they talked about heat and hate. I think that we definitely need more light and more compassion. The moral case is clear; this afternoon, we have also made the economic case.

On a point of order, Presiding Officer. Apologies, but my app did not work in time. I would have voted no.

I absolutely agree with Stuart McMillan. The working-age population in his constituency is growing, but only because of migration. The one-size-fits-all policy approach, as outlined in the UK Government’s white paper on immigration, poses a significant risk to Scotland’s economy, our communities and our public services—not least to those in Inverclyde. That is why we are taking action where we can, including by providing £60,000 over two years to support delivery of a local authority-led strategy to address depopulation.

Ending international recruitment would have a profoundly negative and potentially catastrophic impact on the social care sector in many Scottish communities, including Inverclyde. The immigration system must reflect Scotland’s distinct economic and demographic needs and must not pander to the likes of Nigel Farage.

A key strand of the Scottish Government’s migration strategy involves engagement with the United Kingdom Government to make the case for immigration system changes that will reflect Scotland’s demographic and economic needs. The Scottish Government issued comprehensive, evidence-based proposals to the Home Office during the development of the white paper on immigration, but there was no substantive engagement from the Home Office following that. The white paper includes none of the Scottish Government’s proposals and fails to account for Scotland’s requirements. The ministerial population task force will discuss the policy implications of the white paper at its next meeting in June 2025.

Will you repeat the question?

That is a huge concern, and we recognise that financial control and the creation of debt in abusive relationships can adversely impact victims/survivors. Of course, that can include public debt such as rent and council tax arrears. Through the current Housing (Scotland) Bill, we are taking steps to improve how social landlords respond in such circumstances, by requiring them to develop and implement domestic abuse policies and to provide specialist support before legal action is taken over arrears that are connected with such abuse. We are also committed to bringing part 2 of the Domestic Abuse (Protection) (Scotland) Act 2021 into force in December 2025. That will enable courts to transfer secure tenancies away from perpetrators and give victims the option to remain in their home safely.

More broadly, the Scottish Government recognises the impact that public debt can have on people in vulnerable situations and we encourage all public bodies to adopt best practice in debt collection and advice. We are investing £2.2 million to expand Citizens Advice Scotland’s council tax debt project, which provides tailored support to affected households and promotes best practice in debt collection across local authorities. I am fully aware that it is a complex and multifaceted area. I am quite happy to bring in James Messis, who will be able to provide the member with further information.

James, are you happy to answer that?