Chamber and committees

I have listened many times to the assurances. Is Sharon Dowey still not assured that a commitment has been given that exams will go ahead unless the public health advice at the time goes against that? The safety of our children is paramount—surely, Sharon Dowey agrees.

As Meghan will be aware, the PEF budget has been realigned to ensure that local authorities can respond to their local needs. We know that the challenges of poverty are not located in one place or the other; there are many variables.

Ninety-five per cent of headteachers feel that Covid-19 and school building closures have had at least some impact on their progress on closing the poverty-related attainment gap. That challenge is faced by countries across the world but, in the months since I was elected, I have not heard a single Tory suggestion on how that could be improved upon.

One unintended consequence of the Covid pandemic is the opening up of a debate on whether school exams are the best assessment for our young people. The pandemic has given us an opportunity to reflect on and assess how we best measure the academic and wider achievements of our young people from all backgrounds.

I will take an intervention.

I look forward, in an independent Scotland of the future, to reflecting on the lessons that have been learned from the past to ensure a more just and equal society that acknowledges the contributions of and reflects all of its citizens.

Across the chamber this afternoon, and for many years, we have heard about the critical role that tackling our carbon footprint will play in meeting the climate crisis head on. The constituency that I live in and represent, Glasgow Kelvin, is the Scottish constituency with the highest proportion of flats—96 per cent of the accommodation in Kelvin consists of flatted dwellings, and 30 per cent of Glasgow’s pre-1919 tenemental housing, with its associated challenges, is in Kelvin.

I put on record my admiration for the housing association movement, which, in the past, has been in the vanguard of the work towards low and zero-carbon homes, particularly through energy efficiency measures and higher building specifications in its regeneration and new builds. It has not gone unnoticed by me that, in the affordable housing supply programme, more than half of the 2020-21 approvals for greener standards were for housing associations. In the past, housing associations were accused of gold plating their developments, as if that was a bad thing. Their foresight has paid dividends, and many in the private sector now need to catch up with that.

I recently wrote to every social housing provider in my constituency to better understand the challenges that they face in decarbonising homes. The survey identified decarbonising heating systems, funding models for retrofits and skills shortages as the key issues, all of which are interrelated. Scottish Government funding is welcome, but social housing providers require new models of private investment in net zero and low-carbon infrastructure. On the skills gap, the Construction Industry Training Board believes that a revolution in our construction sector is needed to meet the challenge. I intend to do all that I can to assist in transforming Scotland into a centre of excellence for greener jobs and careers.

It is not only in our housing stock that those changes are necessary; it is in all buildings. Only yesterday, I met the chief executive of Visibility Scotland to discuss its plans for its headquarters, based in the Woodside area of Kelvin. The charity has a period property of substantial size that is in need of significant improvement, and it sees retrofitting as an exciting opportunity to safeguard its home for future generations while making its workplace and service provision as energy efficient as possible. I look forward to supporting Visibility Scotland in its efforts to decarbonise.

I recently wrote to the Minister for Zero Carbon Buildings, Active Travel and Tenants’ Rights regarding low-carbon initiatives and tenemental property. The transformation of tenemental properties to be lower-carbon buildings is fraught with obstacles. The objection of one owner can act as an effective veto against the plans of the majority to take climate action. Much of the legislation that can be used by a majority to force minority interests to act in tenemental property issues is related to maintenance and insurance, so it fails to address transformative common works such as electric charging points and communal renewable heat and power systems. That relates to the owners of tenemental properties, but it indirectly impacts the quality of low-carbon housing for tenants. I understand that that may require primary legislation—for example, through changes to the Tenements (Scotland) Act 2004 and regulations. I look forward to the minister indicating whether legislative, regulatory or policy changes are in the offing to address those issues, as well as whether the new deal for tenants will include measures to require landlords to make their properties as energy efficient as possible.

I am mindful of the time, so I will jump to the end of my speech. Highlighting our successes on this journey to net zero not only should be welcomed but should be used to inspire greater change at a faster pace.

I thank Stuart McMillan for securing the debate and all my colleagues for their contributions on a subject that is of great interest to me—not least because of my previous employment as a teacher who taught a little of the subjects that have been mentioned.

When learning about history at school, in England as much as in Scotland, I was curious about and a bit disappointed by the lack of content regarding events and significant figures in black and minority ethnic heritage and culture. Although we have made some progress in diversifying our curriculum, we still have a way to go to make sure that we can all see ourselves in our shared histories and herstories. I certainly did not.

Teachers have the privilege of inspiring curiosity to ask not only the questions “When?” and “Where?”, but “Who?” and “Why?”. Primary schooling is well placed to not only consider dates and timelines, but to bring to life the stories of people and communities in relatable, creative and compelling ways. I have certainly tried to do that over the years.

The flexibility of curriculum for excellence will always lead to debates about the syllabus. However, we must promote gathering of evidence, questioning of sources, and analysis and understanding of implications and impacts. We must learn the lessons of the past to inform our tomorrows.

Of course, the past is not alright or, indeed, all white. Black Lives Matter has certainly brought into sharp focus the need to recognise that education is the route to tackling prejudice and to building a more just understanding of society. The role of key individuals and organisations is instrumental in that.

The Coalition for Racial Equalities and Rights has been at the forefront of supporting black history month and developing materials that help teachers to plan inclusive history lessons, and its work should be recognised. Black history month helps us to recognise people who have pioneered civil rights and tackled racial discrimination. Telling stories about “Who?” enables learners to explore the “Why?” of attitudes and cultures of the past, in order to inform our futures.

The Minister for Equalities and Older People, Christina McKelvie, said that

“It is important that we recognise Scotland’s role in these painful parts of history, to ensure we learn from the mistakes and atrocities of the past”

and that we make sure that they are not repeated.

I accept what Kenny Gibson said, but it is unfortunate that maybe, in the past, our debates have not been robust enough for us to learn the lessons from previous slave trades, in order to allow a greater focus on modern slavery.

Faith communities have played significant roles, too. The Scottish Jewish Heritage Centre, which is based in Garnethill, is the first purpose-built synagogue in Scotland. It is a beautiful category A listed building in the heart of Glasgow, which is now open to learners, and not just from Glasgow—people from Skara Brae and Islay are welcome to come, as well. The centre tells the stories of real people, going back more than 200 years.

Based in Glasgow, the Colourful Heritage centre also provides an excellent online resource that highlights histories and stories, primarily of south Asians and Muslims in Scotland. I will share a wee example. In 1911, the Glasgow Indian Union was established to represent seamen who worked in the Govan area. That was actually before the red Clydesiders were established. There was a vibrant lascar community in Anderston in my Kelvin constituency. That is a fascinating contextualised part of local history to add to current debates about race and equality.

The examples that I give have been driven from the experiences and efforts of our black and minority ethnic individuals and groups, but it is encouraging to see that work being addressed more widely.

In collaboration with race equality stakeholders, Museums Galleries Scotland now recognises and represents a more accurate portrayal of Scotland’s colonial and slavery history. Lucy Casot, the chief executive officer of Museums Galleries Scotland, said:

“The Black Lives Matter movement has highlighted the critical need to understand and act on the racial injustice and colonialism that is still prevalent today.”

I welcome the Scottish Government's support for that collaboration, but I also ask for an update on how that is going.

Of course, the Colston four—

I will jump to the end of my speech.

Voltaire, who is often quoted—including by Kenneth Gibson—said:

“We look to Scotland for all of our ideas of civilisation.”

That was said at a certain time in history, and we need to make sure that we live up to that—

I welcome the debate and the opportunity to reflect on one of the most complex and significant public health challenges that we currently face.

Throughout the chamber and beyond, we have tried, with great difficulty, to process the heartbreaking statistics of drug-related deaths that continue to devastate the Scottish population. Each death represents a son, a daughter or a parent who found themselves trapped in a vicious cycle and, tragically, paid the ultimate cost. I offer my condolences to all their families.

According to research that was carried out by Scottish Families Affected by Alcohol and Drugs, across close family and wider social networks, for each individual using alcohol or drugs, an average of 11 people are harmfully impacted. If someone is a child of a drug user at five years old, on average, their life will be affected until they become an adult. It can take approximately eight years for that child to reach family support for the first time—a combination of services being unable to reach those in need and the endemic stigmatisation of drug users in our society, which further deters individuals from seeking the help that they deserve. I therefore welcome the recognition that progress will be achieved not by a single intervention but by an holistic, person-centred and multimodel approach that places dignity and respect at the forefront of accessible treatment and support services.

We have seen, as part of the Scottish Government’s national mission to reduce drug-related deaths and harms, promising steps that will facilitate the culture shift that is needed to tackle the crisis—a shift to a culture that appreciates the dangers of prejudice and focuses on funding evidence-led interventions that recognise addiction for what it is: not a moral failing, but a chronic disease.

Thanks to work that was carried out by the Scottish Drug Deaths Taskforce, the identification of key focus areas will serve as a crucial guide moving forward. That has already led to the provision of life-saving assistance through the expansion of naloxone provision. It is not just clinical staff who are now trained in the supply of naloxone but 800 police officers, with 53 life-saving uses having been administered throughout the 2021 pilot programme. Support has also been offered to charities such as Scottish Families Affected by Alcohol and Drugs, allowing them to roll out an award-winning click-and-deliver naloxone service for family members and friends who could provide that valuable life-saving intervention. More than 4,700 kits have now been issued.

In addition, and to continue the valuable work of the task force, we must seriously consider any and all legislative reform that would reflect the mounting evidence of the advantages of reduced criminalisation. The price of inertia is simply too high. Professor Dame Carol Black’s comprehensive independent review of drugs has confirmed that the current public provision for prevention, treatment and recovery in the United Kingdom is no longer fit for purpose. At present, because the Misuse of Drugs Act 1971 is reserved to the UK Government, we remain reliant on Westminster determining that the legislation is incompatible with a public health response to problematic drug use. That is hardly reassuring, because, time and again, we have seen the Conservative Government persist with draconian measures centred around harsh punishment for drug users—a tired hangover from the woefully outdated war on drugs campaign of the 1990s.

Nevertheless, I am hopeful that logic and compassion will prevail and that the recommendations made by the Drug Deaths Taskforce, including the introduction of safe consumption facilities and more people being diverted from the criminal justice system into treatment and recovery services, will be translated into meaningful action. It is an issue that must transcend party politics. The role of any Government is to protect the health and wellbeing of its citizens, and, when such a disproportionate number of lives are lost each year, it is our duty to reflect on our approach, accept responsibility and implement change.

We need only look at countries such as Canada, where the on-going opioid epidemic sparked the progressive drug policy reform in 2017 that led to the 39 supervised consumption sites that now operate across the country. From 2017 to 2019, despite 15,000 overdoses and medical emergencies in those facilities, not a single fatality was reported on site. Why will the UK Government not allow us to pilot such a scheme in Glasgow when it has clearly worked elsewhere?

According to the National Harm Reduction Coalition, more than 100 safe consumption sites are located in more than 11 countries worldwide, including in Germany, the Netherlands, Switzerland, Spain and Australia. We cannot allow ourselves to be shackled by antiquated beliefs. We must go where the evidence leads us, to ensure that avoidable harms and fatalities are, indeed, avoided.

I had the opportunity to walk around my constituency with my colleague Angela Constance, the minister, and we discussed the scale of the challenge that we face. Nothing will improve overnight. However, by redirecting our energy and adopting a more humane approach to drug use and drug users, we can save lives and ensure that Scotland continues to build on its reputation as a progressive and forward-thinking nation.

While you were offline, I was able to ask my questions on teacher recruitment and numbers, so, if it is okay with everyone, I will move on to my line of questioning.

I can pick up on the previous thread quite nicely. Policy agendas, commitments and priorities are set at a Government level, but the responsibility for delivering those obviously lies at a local government level. In relation to local government responsibilities, there is a balance to be considered between having ring-fenced money for specifics and having discretionary funding. I would like to explore the strengths and weaknesses of each distribution method. How has the Government assessed the strengths and weaknesses of providing ring-fenced money and of providing discretionary funding?