Chamber and committees

Yes—I was going to go on to that.

One would expect the larger employers to have the resources, notwithstanding anything else, to be able to adapt. Nevertheless, around 99.3 per cent of our businesses are small and medium-sized enterprises. Have you given any specific consideration to how you might support them with guidance, beyond the broad principles of fair work?

I have every sympathy with the view that you expressed and I have probably made myself very unpopular by making my suggestion. I am acutely aware of local sensitivities, but there are duplicated functions, such as the FD function, which are not predicated on important outcomes for people. There is a lot of complexity, but the FD functions are counting and measuring broadly similar things across a range of services. If anything, changing that would cast more light on how money is being spent. That is an unpopular view, I know.

This is my last wee question on this. Do you hope that some kind of combined statement of intent will emerge from the meeting on Friday, including some specifics about any progress that has been made? Is that an outcome that you hope for?

Good morning. I want to pick up on a couple of themes that have been touched on. First, I have been through all the responses with regard to public service reform, and I can see that a lot of stuff is going on—that is absolutely clear. I await further detail on that with interest.

It is no bad thing to ask local government to come up with its own ideas, and I am sure that it will do so. However, a bottom-up approach is only one way. What consideration have you given to a top-down approach? I have raised the point previously that we have duplicate functions—in particular, around human resources and finance directorship—across our 33 local councils. Presumably, we have 33 finance directors on an average salary of 88 grand or so—roughly £2 million in total—not to mention their departments. We could have centralised FD and HR functions across even just some local authority areas, but it is unlikely that local councils themselves would come up with that idea. Is it something that you would consider?

That is understood.

The fiscal framework review came up earlier. I want to dig down into what exactly is happening. I fully accept the issue to do with the multitude of personnel changes in the UK Government—it is clear that there has been quite a revolving door—but I want to understand exactly where we are. As far as I am aware, the terms of reference have not yet been agreed. Where exactly are the blockers? What action have you taken, where you have been unable to make progress? Reading through the responses, I am no more certain of where we are with the review. We have highlighted its importance.

Is it your perception that there is still a genuine appetite for change in the UK Government, or is it hard to determine that before your meeting on Friday, when you might ask that question?

Yes, 32. Sorry.

To ask the Scottish Government what plans it has to further encourage articulation from college-based higher national qualifications to university-based degree programmes. (S6O-01856)

Mr Briggs needs to look at the wider context of the budget. My point is that, if we had greater powers—over cap ex, in particular—we could do a great deal more. Until Mr Briggs starts joining me in those calls, although he claims to be looking for more housing, his words are shallow—that is a fact.

We know that the unionist brigade will do nothing but deny Scotland the necessary powers to tackle the key challenges that we face. As I have said before in the chamber, and as recent reports from Transparency International, Open Democracy and authors such as Oliver Bullough have evidenced, there is corruption at the heart of the UK Government and key institutions, leaving aside the individual records of recent Prime Ministers, chancellors, baronesses and goodness knows who else. Corruption destroys the potential effectiveness of markets and puts obstacles in the path of the many decent businesses that are seeking to survive, compete and progress.

The historic legacy of Labour and Tory actions of years past continues to haunt government, including local government in Scotland. In my patch, Falkirk Council has a £13 million obligation legacy from private finance initiatives, and that is not the only legacy that it faces. Commenting in 2016, Audit Scotland’s best value audit report criticised previous Labour and Tory administrations for failing to grasp the nettle of major challenges and instead squandering money, which led directly to a deficit of £67 million.

In such circumstances, the Scottish Government—and the acting finance secretary, in particular—have faced huge challenges with imagination and with a clear commitment to the interests of the Scottish people.

I will conclude with an appeal to the finance secretary. In the midst of all the challenges, let us work to unleash the contribution of female entrepreneurs, who have faced historical disadvantages, including cultural ones. It is never enough to look only to Government when facing challenging times or new opportunities. We need to mobilise all our talents regardless of sex, race, age or other characteristics.

We, on these benches—