Chamber and committees

This place has a tradition of members’ business debates that are not overtly political and, rather, focus on agreement and celebration of shared cross-party interests. That is what I intend to do in my short remarks.

Scotland’s universities have achieved so much that is internationally excellent and world leading, which brings significant benefits for society.

I have an active long Covid community group in Falkirk East, and the international study into long Covid that the University of Glasgow led with the World Health Organization is likely to be of practical benefit to our understanding of the complexity of the condition. One of the characteristics of university research that is sometimes overlooked is the extent to which it involves working with others, as the University of Glasgow working alongside the WHO demonstrates.

The University of Stirling, in particular, deserves great praise, not least because it is close to my constituency and many of my constituents have benefited from undergraduate and postgraduate studies there. Indeed, some of its postgraduate research students contribute directly to its research excellence, and I know that Evelyn Tweed, the local MSP, is disappointed that she is currently unwell and missing the debate. I note in particular that the university’s institute of aquaculture is ranked first in the UK for impact, with 100 per cent of its research achieving the highest possible rating. It, too, has had huge links to other organisations in search of impact. After 30 years at the institute, the late Professor James Muir moved to a post with the United Nations, and in one of his last international assignments he reviewed the Benguela Current Convention, which is based in Namibia—a testament to both his and the university’s global standing.

I also have a connection to the University of Stirling, in which regard I must point to my entry in the register of members’ interests and my role as a director of the humanitarian organisation Revive Campaign. Two University of Stirling postgraduate students are conducting research for us. One is considering the impact of the war in Ukraine from a humanitarian standpoint, and the other is researching how humanitarian policies interact with the UN’s development goals.

In so many ways, our university research capability has profound practical benefits for society. As we look to the future, my contention is that the role of university-based research will be of even greater importance. The world in which we live is changing faster than ever. Most of the scientific and technological changes have been reliant on university research, and such changes have had impacts on our wider social and cultural lives. In the future, research-based change will be even faster.

The late Professor Tom Stonier, whom some dubbed the professor of the future, pointed out in the 1990s that, in the past 25 years of the 20th century, more people will have worked in front-line research than in the entire earlier history of the world, fuelling accelerating change.

Things have continued to develop, making research the most fundamental need for any society with ambitions to make progress. Scotland needs to hold fast to her ambition and continue to invest in our university research base, despite taxing economic times. Our very future depends on it.

The Bank of England can only hope that its emergency and unlimited gilt buying operation will be a temporary measure in the defences that are required against an incompetent Tory budget. Former monetary policy committee member Professor Blanchflower said that Kwasi Kwarteng has

“crashed the ... markets ... I’ve never seen such raging incompetence, ever.”

Does the cabinet secretary agree that Scottish people can simply no longer afford to pay the price of being attached to this failing UK state and that the UK Government must not impose swingeing cuts to Scotland’s budget?

I indicated that I wanted to bring in Catherine Murphy because I was so struck by the submission from Engender. Catherine, you have already highlighted the systemic nature of the issues that permeate every budget line and every facet of society.

I have a point to make on the back of our earlier discussion about tax. Yesterday, I was reading about the proposed changes that were announced as part of the mini budget last week. It seems that 80 per cent of the benefit in higher rate tax will be realised by men and that 77 per cent of workers who earn too little to pay tax at all—and who will therefore derive no benefit whatsoever from the proposals—are women.

In thinking about what the committee could do, I took a clear message from what you said in your submission to the effect that although good work has been done so far, it does not go nearly far enough in holding every single other committee of the Parliament to account. We lead on the budget, but those committees also give their views, which could include setting out specifically how proposals will both impact on women—thinking about that backwards impact—and benefit them so as to start to really move the dial on equality. Would you be in favour of the committee making a firm recommendation that every other committee in the Parliament must do that? I do not want to put words in your mouth, but should that also apply to every submission to this committee? I gently challenge our witnesses to set that out, too. Despite good efforts and willingness, it feels as though this is groundhog day for conversations about the impact on women. However, you are obviously the expert.

I will carry on, because I am going to talk about something else that has already been mentioned.

It is true that Scotland faces demographic challenges, but those have been exacerbated by Brexit. We no longer have welcoming open borders; instead we have a frankly mean-spirited and near-xenophobic attitude to many of the people whom we should be attracting. The truth is that inward migration enhances our society and culture in addition to supporting us economically, and that the SNP’s philosophy runs entirely counter to the Tories’ little Englander approach, with the stress on “little”. In my view, the Tories display utter poverty of ambition and parade a set of values about the peoples of this world that I thought had been buried decades ago.

I recognise only too well that migration patterns and policy formation are complex matters. Jakub Bijak’s book “Forecasting International Migration in Europe: A Bayesian View” points to the fact that migration is susceptible to many unpredictable factors, including political and economic crises and policy changes. His forecast, which was made in 2010, did not predict the political and economic crises that have been unleashed on an unsuspecting populace by the advent of Brexit, nor did it predict an immoral immigration policy or Trussonomics—three events that have created political and economic crises in the wake of Tory Government policy at Westminster.

My last point is to ask everyone to use their imagination. Imagine a Scotland that is open and welcoming: a Scotland in which people coming from other parts of the world—any part of the world—feel that their unique insights and talents are valued; a Scotland where it is recognised and understood that we live in a global world; and a Scotland that welcomes ambitious young people.

I could top that a million times over. I am delighted that the Scottish Government has taken the initiative to roll out broadband in the face of the abject failure of the UK Government—[Interruption.] There should be no barracking from the sidelines. I am sorry, Presiding Officer.

Imagine a Scotland where it is recognised and understood that we live in a global world and which welcomes ambitious young people who will work hard and contribute taxes to enable us fund our much-valued public services. Imagine a Scotland that is truly open for business and to entrepreneurship and which attracts entrepreneurs from around the world. That is what I would do if I was going to implement an immigration strategy.

We can imagine—but without real power to manage our own immigration policy, in the form of independence, imagine is all that we can do.

Thank you, Presiding Officer. I will not threaten to double the length of my speech, but I am always open to taking interventions.

To say that Scotland’s needs are being met by the current UK migration policy is patently untrue; indeed, that is on a par with the statement, “The UK economy is strong and stable”. Therefore, I am delighted to support the Government motion.

Last Friday’s budget statement by Kwasi Kwarteng and some of his subsequent interviews claimed that his approach is to tackle supply-side issues. That is why, he explained, he had to uncap bankers’ bonuses—so that London could attract more poor immigrant bankers who are in search of as much personal money as possible. If he had really been interested in addressing key labour shortages in our economy, he would have announced proper support for abolishing restrictions on inward economic migration. As the motion says, we need to attract more people to work on the land in rural areas, in the information technology sector, in our hospitals, in the hospitality and tourism sectors and so on. It would perhaps be easier to list the sectors that do not need to attract new workers.

However, it appears that, for the Tories, only London and the type of bankers who led to the crash of 2008 count. The huge-bonus culture has already been proved to be counterproductive if we want effective banking that serves customers, rather than the generation of quick speculative money.

Encouraging more inward migration of economically active people for the real economy would be a significant contribution to the sustainability of many businesses, including businesses in my constituency of Falkirk East. It would allow for business growth that is currently hampered, and it would contribute to addressing supply-chain issues that are caused by lack of access to skilled workers.

As the Government motion recognises, Scotland needs an open and flexible migration policy that is sensitive to the complex and differentiated labour requirements of the differing geographies in Scotland. I particularly welcome the motion’s call on the UK Government to accept the Scottish Government’s rural visa pilot proposal. I would go further and say that it should be fully implemented as soon as possible, and without the restrictions that inevitably follow pilots. I trust that that is the first policy suggestion of many in the area; indeed, we have already heard some others from the cabinet secretary. I welcome the rural visa suggestion for Scotland, but it is not nearly enough—as the cabinet secretary would agree, I am sure, were he in his seat.

Earlier initiatives such as the fresh talent working in Scotland scheme, which was introduced in 2005, were introduced while we were members of the EU. We have to face the reality of the Tory Brexit, topped off by Kwasi Kwarteng’s bizarre financial and economic strategy.

I clocked that point when the member made it earlier, but I do not think that he qualified it. What he pointed out was the massive draw of London and the south-east. As I have already pointed out in my speech, that massive draw is the result of policy-making by the UK Government to favour London, the south-east and the City of London. It affects not only Scotland but other parts of the UK. I think that many Tories would concede that that it is true.

If Mr Lumsden is going to help me to imagine, I am happy to do so.

The William of Aberdeen vessel sailed across the Atlantic in 1596, the first recorded Atlantic trade journey from Scotland to what is now known as Newfoundland. Long before that, Scotland already had trading links with our much closer neighbours in Europe. Our trading history has fundamentally shaped who we are. In the 18th century, Adam Smith would walk along the bank of the river Forth and gaze at the great trading ships of the day taking goods and people to other lands, which inspired him to consider the benefits of international trade.

Some Tories today have not appeared to notice the shock of a Tory Brexit and the decimation of exports to mainland Europe. HM Revenue and Customs data confirms that the number of businesses exporting goods to the EU fell by 33 per cent in 2021 compared with 2020. To make matters worse, Liz Truss has confirmed that it will take years to negotiate a trade deal with the USA, and our paltry trade deal with Australia directly harms our farmers. Therefore, perhaps the UK Government’s trailing of the removal of the cap on bankers’ bonuses tells its own story about where its priorities lie.

I thank the minister for his good work thus far. I note that Scotland is the only part of the UK with a positive balance in trade in goods with the rest of the world. I look forward to reading the progress reports that were released today, although I add my voice to the comments on the lateness of their arrival, which I regret.

I will focus on international trade in the present day, including among the Scottish diaspora. The experience of some of the members of the early diaspora that Smith watched leave their homeland and find new opportunities, particularly in the Americas, resonates with me. A few years ago, I undertook research into Scotland’s business diaspora. We collected views from more than 1,000 business leaders in 74 countries. That presented a clear picture of Scotland and of what could be done to support international trade. Among many findings was the fact that Scotland was seen as friendly, resilient and entrepreneurial. However, there was also a significant minority view that pointed to a cautious, risk-averse and inward-looking community. Scottish business people were largely viewed positively too, with key characteristics such as being ethical, hard working and well educated, although some critics thought that we were too inward looking.

To put it simply, with regard to the Scottish brand, comments about the quality of our people were prominent. I was pleased to see the mention, active consideration and modern development of our brand, which was called for years ago by Murray Pittock. In that regard, our universities and colleges have had a pivotal role in developing our people and in enabling an outward-focused, entrepreneurial export sector. Therefore, I ask the minister what recent discussions he has had to ensure that the university and college sectors continue to contribute to our export and entrepreneurially focused cultures, which, of course, is about more than the passing on of skills.

I will return to the research that I mentioned. There was also a strong perception that the Scottish diaspora is insufficiently mobilised, although many stated a willingness to help if asked. I therefore recognise the mobilisation of the diaspora, which is highlighted in the progress report, and the increase in the number of global Scots, alongside the digital system that has been put in place. However, the development of capacity in all its forms takes time. In his summing up, will the minister give further flavour to his capacity-building plans and say whether that work will be done directly through the Scottish Government or via its partner agencies?

I regret that Scotland has lost some of its capacity for direct exporting. Too many of our goods are having to pass through England before moving on to export markets. I know that that cannot be sorted overnight, but perhaps future iterations of “Scotland: a trading nation” or some other document will consider the wider infrastructure rather than just supply chain requirements, in order to build and embed resilience and enable international trade. However, I recognise the constraints on capital expenditure, particularly just now.

I have had meetings with Marco Forgione, the director general of the Institute of Export & International Trade. His thoughts on what could be done include developing a full mentoring service, including technical support from?trade?specialists; tapping into our business diaspora; and creating specialist advice lines, so that businesses can access timely advice and support when they need it.

I am delighted to see that a great deal of that is already included in the progress report, so that saves me needing to suggest those ideas to the minister. However, it might be worth the minister meeting Marco Forgione, too, if he has not already done so. I commend Ivan McKee’s outstanding work—he has made tremendous efforts to get a focus on international trade and has championed the “Scotland: a trading nation” report—all the activity that goes with the report, and the subsequent progress report. I am delighted to see that, under the minister’s direction, Scotland continues to be an outward-looking trading nation.

My last question is on net zero targets, which the Auditor General and Susan Murray both mentioned. We know that they are already very difficult to achieve. We anticipate a fiscal event from the UK Government, which, if reports are correct, could roll back some of the commitments to net zero. Where is the tipping point for how that will increase the challenge for the Scottish Government, which has a clear target to achieve net zero?

Susan, in your submission you mention the Acorn carbon capture and storage project—and nearly everybody I have spoken to was utterly gobsmacked that that did not come to Scotland. I am trying to flesh out what could happen that would make you really concerned about Scotland’s job becoming much harder.