Chamber and committees

I have previously asked for assurances that Clydebank Asbestos Group would be included in that advisory group, and I hope that the role that it plays will continue.

Finally, do you envisage the core principles of Mr Griffin’s bill being covered in your consultation on employment injury assistance?

You mentioned in your paper that you accepted that doing away with the 20m rule was not possible at that point. Can you share any further dilemmas around that issue? Just now, we are looking at employment injury assistance support, which has remained unchanged since 1948.

According to the Scottish Government’s recorded crime figures, 14,834 sexual crimes were recorded in Scotland in the year ending June 2023. The police recorded 64,807 instances of domestic abuse in 2021-22, four out of five of which involved a female victim/survivor and a male perpetrator. The figures are extremely concerning, but gender-based violence is not merely statistics. There are women and girls behind every one of those figures. Gender-based violence is a harsh reality that is experienced by our mothers, sisters, daughters and friends. It happens in the home, in workplaces and outside in public spaces. It knows no bounds and it has a lasting and damaging impact on the individual and wider society.

Unfortunately, every woman has her own experiences of sexual harassment, assault or violence. I know that my colleagues across the chamber agree that, to tackle that, it is time to change the narrative and ask why men are harassing, abusing or being violent, rather than suggesting that women are doing wrong. This year’s theme invites us to imagine a Scotland without gender-based violence. That should not be difficult. The campaign calls on us, as elected representatives, to show what we are doing to eradicate such violence. We must invest in that for the future of our women and girls.

Key to achieving that is primary prevention, as the charity Zero Tolerance has highlighted. Secondary prevention—that is, investing in support during a period of violence or after violence has occurred—is not enough. That is why I welcome the Scottish Government’s proposed misogyny bill, which will put a real focus on protecting women and girls.

We know that serious violent acts do not usually happen out of nowhere. Men do not just wake up and decide to commit heinous violent acts against a woman. We know that such acts are often an escalation of more low-level misogynistic views and behaviours. For too long, there has been a societal tolerance of misogyny across Scotland, which has made our women and girls feel unsafe, distressed and humiliated. That is why the bill is so important. Tackling the root cause and catching misogynistic behaviour early, before there is a chance of a serious crime being committed, could be revolutionary.

However, although the misogyny bill will be vital, it can only be part of the response in tackling harassment and violence against women. How do we stop young men and boys perpetrating such misogynistic behaviour in the first place, before it escalates? Various pieces of the academic literature have pointed to the link between traditional, toxic views of masculinity and harassment of and violence against women. On its own, holding such views would not be enough—plenty of men adhere to traditional views of masculinity but would never commit such violent acts. However, it is still vital that we consider those traditional views, as that will help us to challenge harmful views of masculinity that condone violence against women and emphasise men’s dominance.

Across the academic literature, it is suggested that we must reshape those views of masculinity at a young age. That could be done in primary schools by having more discussions about consent, the use of language, healthy friendships and what it means to be a good man, rather than just talking about what boys are expected to do. I would be interested to see further work being done in that area and such discussions being included across the curriculum.

Imagining a Scotland without gender-based violence should not be difficult. It is achievable, and I am pleased to see the work that is currently being done. However, we can always do more, and it is on us to call out low-level misogynistic behaviours when we see them so that they do not escalate into the unthinkable.

My constituent was infected by hepatitis B and now has cirrhosis of the liver, but she has missed out on all financial support. She wishes to remain anonymous due to the still pervasive and profound stigma around her personal situation. In the second interim report, the chair of the infected blood inquiry stated that people who had been infected would be eligible for support. What assessment has the Scottish Government made of the inquiry’s interim recommendations? Will the minister meet me and my constituent to discuss a way forward for hepatitis B victims who are missing out on urgent financial assistance?

To ask the Scottish Government whether it will provide an update on what it is doing to provide financial support to those infected with chronic hepatitis B due to receiving contaminated blood. (S6O-02813)

Queens Quay in my constituency, where my office is located, has the first 100 per cent carbon-free district heating system in the UK. The system, which heats council buildings, West College Scotland, Clydebank leisure centre and a new care home, is a great example of innovative delivery of carbon-free energy. What emphasis will be put on the expansion of that scheme and other major heat network projects to help to deliver more green energy to homes and businesses?

It is absolutely antiquated, isn’t it? I think that the system dates back to the late 1920s.

Norman, do you want to come in on that?

Good morning, panel. UK industrial injuries policy has generally moved quite slowly. We have been told recently that we are inheriting a warehouse full of paper files and legislation that has been left unreformed for a number of years. To guide us on how we can bring quicker change to Scotland, will any of the witnesses comment on the reasons why there has been such little progress? Is that down to a lack of expertise or will to reform the system?

Thank you for that.

I go back to Professor Watterson. In response to question 10, your written submission states:

“A SEIAC is urgently needed to help to advise employers and employees in Scotland to recognise the full range of industrial diseases.”

What is your comment on the urgency of what is needed and on how you see SEIAC fulfilling that role? You have touched on that already, but if you could expand further, that would be great.

Given what I have described and the complexity of the system, it is certainly a sorry state of affairs on which to move forward, but what we are looking for is safe and secure transfer—that is the argument that we have had. Would that approach alter the timescale that is required for the introduction of the Scottish council?