Official Report 490KB pdf
Good afternoon, everyone, and welcome to the 11th meeting this year of the Transport, Infrastructure and Climate Change Committee. I remind everyone present that all mobile devices should be switched off. I record apologies from Marlyn Glen, Alex Johnstone and Charlie Gordon.
Can you give us a flavour of how different forms of data have been incorporated? I am sure that some of the data will be specifically Scottish data about the reality on the ground in Scotland and some of them may be UK data that have been disaggregated. What is the balance between those two different approaches in the data that have gone into the report?
We could also explore that with the Government.
A comprehensive set of requests formed the basis of the report. We were asked what we thought could be achieved in different sectors of the economy, aviation and shipping and so on. There is an ambitious and challenging target. We said in the report that we think that that target is achievable, but a step change in the pace of emissions reductions and new policies will be needed. The focus now is on ensuring that policies and strategies are in place to deliver the targets that have been set. We can offer advice on that if you request it. We can come back to you and help you on that.
We have given our initial advice. We responded to the request. It is not our way of working to have on-going, back-and-forth contact; we do not do that at UK level or at a Scotland level. We are prepared to give advice when it is requested, but we would need a discrete request for advice on a particular issue.
So the Committee on Climate Change has not taken a view on the Scottish Government’s discussion paper.
We are well versed in that story. In the advice that you give, are you taking into account Scotland’s socioeconomic and meteorological factors that are slightly different from those in the rest of the UK? I am thinking about the fact that we have a more scattered population and colder winters—although we all shared the most recent cold winter.
We have taken account of those factors in numerous ways. For example, the emissions projections for Scotland allow for Scotland’s specific factors. There is another side to the story that is not just about the starting point from which you are trying to get away, but identifying your abatement options. We have said that, given Scotland’s dispersed population, there might be more of an opportunity for renewable heat in homes that are off the gas grid. There might be less of an opportunity for electric cars in certain areas of Scotland, as people have to drive beyond the range of an electric car. We can explore that in more detail but, in the first instance, we have factored it into our high-level thinking.
Work is being done on developing the batteries of electric cars.
The planning issue is obviously tricky. In our 2008 report and in other reports, we identified that as a major barrier—if not the major barrier—to onshore wind development. We have not taken a detailed view on whether the arrangements that were established under the Planning etc (Scotland) Act 2006 will be enough or whether something else is needed. We took a wait-and-see attitude to whether the proposed arrangements in the renewable energy strategies with the local consultation panels would deliver. The issue becomes a bit political in the sense that there are different perspectives on it. I probably would not take it any further on two counts: first, because we have not gone into it; and secondly, because, as a public servant—and this being purdah—I am not really allowed to talk about political issues or anything that could be interpreted in a political manner.
We are not in purdah in the Scottish Parliament.
You or the Scottish Government could ask us to consider and make recommendations on standardisation. If you wanted to do that and there was a process for it, we would be happy to give you advice on it. It is more difficult for me to give you advice when we have not considered the issue and we do not have a position on it. We would be happy to take part in that discussion.
Yes. There were a couple of aspects to our advice. First, we noted that at UK level there are due to be 3 million new households by 2020 and significantly more by 2030, so a lot of new house building will be needed. If you build the houses in the wrong places, you will create transport emissions because you will create extra demand for car travel, which we know is a big proportion of transport emissions and total emissions.
I suppose that that applies in both urban settings and our more dispersed settlement pattern. A third of Scots live in small towns or remote and rural areas. I do not know whether the problem can easily be solved in those cases.
Given the fixed nature of the traded sector, it is clear that the ambitious Scottish emissions reduction targets will require much more effort in the non-traded sector, if we are to be successful. You have told us that at the moment the Committee on Climate Change is doing work on UK carbon budgets. Can you offer any insight into the key policy actions that need to be taken in the non-traded sector in Scotland over the next three years?
That was part of your request to us, so we gave that advice in the report. First, the competitiveness story is very important, so it should not be dismissed. Secondly, the evidence says that competitiveness relates only to the energy-intensive industries, so it is not a major issue across all industries and service provision. It is not an issue for everything within the energy-intensive industries, but it could affect certain industries—for example, iron and steel, and cement in certain circumstances, depending on geographical location. Competitiveness is an issue for a small number of industries within the energy-intensive sector, but it has been addressed through the design of the European Union emission trading system. Those industries will be allocated free allowances, the effect of which will be to mitigate any risks relating to competitiveness and leakage. The design of the European framework fully addresses the issue.
Just for the record, I clarify that requests to the Committee on Climate Change for information or advice have come from the Scottish Government rather than the Parliament.
I told the negative story but, in practice, that is not a risk, and there is a positive story. If we did not highlight that in the report, we have highlighted the opportunities for Scotland in, for example, the marine sector, where it can build up a competitive advantage, and the renewables sector more generally. There is scope for jobs in Scotland in high-value, low-carbon industries. The challenge now is to unlock those opportunities.
How would you determine Government’s role in helping to unlock the opportunities?
It is urgent work. We have looked at the Tyndall centre analysis, which is an outlier in the various analyses that have been done of the trajectories in the period to 2015. That came up in evidence to the Environmental Audit Committee at Westminster. As I said, we will take that research into account. I am confident that we will not say that, in light of the path through the 2020s, you should move to a target of more than 42 per cent. I think that the story that we will tell you is that, with your 42 per cent target, and with a set of actions through the 2020s and beyond, you can deliver what is required within what is left of the cumulative budget over the period 2020 to 2050.
Does that mean that we do our analysis on the basis of the outliers? No. We take them into account alongside all the other studies and we make our judgment on the basis of the science. We are in a good position to do that. We have scientific experts on our committee. There will be a full review of the science of climate change in our report this year, in which we will take into account all the things that have happened in the period since we produced our first analysis of the science in December 2008, including, for example, what the Tyndall centre and others have said about the modelling of global scenarios. We will take account of that alongside all the other evidence and make our judgments on that basis.
Before I move on to questions about the annual targets, I take you back to something that you said about the potential for renewable heat. Your report states:
Work is being done in the UK Government and at the European level, but there is a lot more to do. The Committee on Climate Change has been cautious not only on biomass, but on all bioenergy issues. For example, in our aviation review, we said that we cannot plan to have more than 10 per cent of aviation fuels coming from biofuels in 2050, given the concerns about sustainability. The issue is a major one, and we have taken a cautious approach. A future challenge is how we translate that cautious approach into detailed guidance. We will address that through a specific review of the whole bioenergy area. It is becoming increasingly apparent to us that bioenergy is a major part of the story, but that there is a major risk associated with it. We will do that work in the coming months.
The Scottish Government proposes annual emissions reductions targets of 0.5 per cent for 2011 and 2012, with a further cut of 10 per cent between 2012 and 2013. Does the committee have a view on those proposed targets?
I will go back to our advice—which was to have no cuts, rather than 0.5 per cent cuts—and explain that. Emissions in the traded sector will be flat in the next three years, because that is the way in which the ETS cap is designed. That sector accounts for 40 per cent of emissions in Scotland. Also, aviation and shipping emissions will increase in the next two or three years as we come out of the recession. Emissions will be flat in a big part of the economy and rising in another part.
Absolutely. Take vans for example. How can you drive—excuse the pun—emissions reductions in vans without the European framework, which will give the signal to the industry to bring more efficient vans to the market? There is a limit to what you can do in Scotland before you have that development. If you set a more ambitious annual emissions reductions target over the next year or two years based on your ability to insulate 100,000 solid walls every year, are you confident that you could do that without a policy to deliver it? You need policies that make your ambitions credible, which will take time.
Our advice was to not plan to use carbon units, but to deliver the emissions reductions through domestic action. We were drawing attention to the lack of flexibility in the Scottish framework. Purchase of credits would be one way in which to address that. If you cannot buy credits or borrow from future periods—for example, emissions will be up for 2010 after the cold winter—what would you do in that situation? You would be off-track under the Scottish framework and it is not clear how you would get back on track by simply saying, “Well—we’ve missed the target. Let’s draw a line under it and move on.” The focus should be on domestic emissions reductions and not on planning to purchase credits, which is not the right way forward.
I have a couple of follow-up questions to Shirley-Anne Somerville’s earlier questions about the targets. There seem to be some assumptions that have yet to be tested—and which might prove to be shaky—about the relationship between the emissions that we have not yet counted, but which have happened during the recession, and what might happen during the recovery. You mentioned our cold winter, but we have also had a recession that has lasted much longer than the winter and which might have caused reduced emissions. Is it possible that we are not even looking at a flat trajectory? We might be looking at an increase in emissions based on the emissions that might have reduced during the recession, and the targets might be higher than the emissions that we will count as having taken place during the recession. It is not just that cuts in emissions have been flat or even that they have halted—we do not know what will happen with recovery.
There is some uncertainty, but we have factored it into our advice. The Scottish situation is very different to that in the UK. We advised the UK Government before the recession: we were not able to allow for the recession because of the timing, and now we have had the first UK budget. We have now said to the UK Government that it could address the situation through limited emissions reductions. We have almost moved the target and said, “Try to outperform that budget and don’t bank the outperformance because a lot of it is down to the recession.”
I am grateful for those points, which we will no doubt have the opportunity to raise in debate with ministers.
We said in our report that the only practical thing that we have to go with is the bunker fuel methodology for measuring shipping emissions, which is then allocated, at Scotland level, on the basis of port activity. We suspect, however, that bunker fuels are not by any means a perfect measure of underlying shipping emissions. An activity-based measure would be better, but we do not have such a measure. We can only do what is practical and acknowledge that it is an area that we need to keep under scrutiny. It is an area in which we are moving forward; the Department for Transport is considering alternative measurements. You have to prepare to bring a new measurement into the thinking in Scotland.
Does that kind of work rely on international agreement? Could we move forward with it here in Scotland or within the UK and Europe?
I have a final quick question on something that I was surprised to find was not included in the report. It seems to me that there is very little in the report on the wider social and cultural aspects of the transformation that is required in the short and long terms. I refer to people’s expectations about how we should live our lives. The recent volcanic ash cloud incident provided good examples. I lost track of the number of people who told stories about how they were “trapped” in London. They were not trapped in London—one can get a train from London very easily, so nobody had to accept being trapped there. The issue is about the kind of cultural leadership that is required to get in among expectations about consuming and travelling ever more. There seems to be very little in the report about what we can easily do collectively at community level to reduce transport demand, such as car sharing and food collectives. There seems to be very little about cultural and community action in the report.
We look forward to hearing about that in written form and—I hope—in future oral evidence to the committee. I thank you both for your time in answering questions. We will suspend briefly to allow the changeover of witnesses.
We have had an on-going discussion about the amount of time and staff resources that are available to the CCC to look at specifically Scottish issues. How has the scrutiny that CCC members brought to the matter played out? How well informed are CCC members of the Scottish perspective as they perform their role in looking at, guiding and ultimately signing off a report on the Scottish picture?
The starting point for a realistic trajectory for emissions is the evidence base, which comprises two parts. An emissions projection, baseline or reference case will come from the Department of Energy and Climate Change energy model for CO2 or another source for agricultural and non-CO2 emissions, for example. The other part of the evidence base is an assessment of the potential across each of the sectors that emit carbon or greenhouse gases. We have a buildings model, a transport model and an agriculture model. We drew on those models, which incorporate Scottish components, and disaggregated them to the Scottish level from the United Kingdom level in different ways, depending on the model—it could have been done on the basis of population or economic activity, depending on the measure. We then brought in various specialists through various consultancy assignments to help us to ensure that the disaggregation adequately reflected the Scottish situation.
We approached the matter in two ways. We divided up the building of the evidence base between the secretariat at the Committee on Climate Change and officials who work for the Scottish Administration, who developed certain things that fed back into the evidence base. The work on assessing abatement potential was led by Scottish Government officials. There was a reaching-out process and discussion with the various people who are active in the area.
No.
On the previous occasion when I answered questions from the Transport, Infrastructure and Climate Change Committee, it was pretty apparent that we had not explored in detail how we would work with the Scottish Government. After that, we went away and had detailed discussions about how we could leverage the limited resources on both sides, bring in other experts and come up with advice. We have been successful, in that our report represents a major piece of work that we were able to produce using our resourcing, extra money for consultancy, which was given to us by the Scottish Government, and input from the Scottish Government side and consultancy projects in that context.
In the Scottish context, what factors are key to reducing emissions in the traded sector?
There are two aspects to what can be done now in the traded sector. Let us differentiate between power generation in the traded sector and the other energy-intensive industries. There are important opportunities in both areas, at UK and at Scotland level. We said in the report that it is important that, as part of Scotland’s path towards the 2050 emissions reduction target of 80 per cent, there is early decarbonisation of the power sector and then extension of low-carbon power generation to other sectors, notably transport and heat.
That is an underexplored issue in the UK and beyond. We certainly know that we need to do something, because we cannot continue with the current level of emissions from energy intensive industries such as the oil refining, cement, iron and steel—there is not a big iron and steel industry here, but there is elsewhere—and chemical industries. We need to address that. We cannot achieve our aims for 2050 with the current level of emissions in those industries. What is the answer? As I have said, there is scope for the use of renewable heat in some of those industries. CCS will be a big part of the solution. We need to explore seriously the use of CCS in cement and iron and steel works. There are other solutions that do not involve CCS.
That is the direction in which things are moving, but I cannot say where the policy will end up. There was an amendment to the UK Energy Bill as it went through Parliament that allowed the financing mechanism—the levy on consumers—to fund not only coal CCS but gas CCS. It is an open question at the moment, but there is an important role for gas CCS because it is a low-capital cost plant among the low-carbon generation mix so it is an attractive, flexible option. We will need that flexibility. Gas CCS will be demonstrated sooner or later in the UK and elsewhere and it will be part of the balanced low-carbon generation story that we need in the 2020s.
People from CIFAL Findhorn have made presentations to us about a hydrogen superhighway that would involve organisations such as the Royal Mail, which is working up vehicles that can be powered by hydrogen, although starting with smaller vehicles, of course. It is most useful to hear such things.
Obviously, action to reduce emissions can affect competitiveness. How would you advise the Scottish Government to assess and address the effects on competitiveness in the non-traded sector?
Early certainty and determining policy changes would be helpful.
The general approach of the Committee on Climate Change is not to try to tell Governments what to do, which is why we set out a number of options rather than saying, “This is the way forward, according to the Committee on Climate Change.” There is a range of things that can be done in order to meet the targets, and we advised that the targets could be adjusted, that credits could be bought and so on.
First, how to get from 2020 to 2050, which is the missing part of the equation, is not a no-brainer. We have a path to 2020, but we do not know the shape of the path that will take us to where we want to get to by 2050. Will it be a straight line? Will it be a curve, based on equal annual percentage emissions reductions? If it is the latter, you are looking at emissions reductions of the order of 3 per cent every year from 2020 to 2050, which is not that different from the path going to 2020, beyond 2012. Is that a radical departure? No, although staying with that 3 per cent reduction every year until 2050 is challenging.
Has it not been a trend over the past decade or two that the outliers become the principal source of wisdom on the subject? Come to it, has that not been a trend over the past 20, 30 or 40 years?
What needs to happen to meet the targets beyond what is recommended in the advice that your committee has given the Scottish Government?
We have touched on that. There has to be a national energy efficiency programme that covers a range of measures—not just the simple measures of cavity wall and loft insulation but solid wall insulation, thermostatic valves on radiators, smart meters and so on. There has to be a renewable heat policy, which we do not have at the moment, although we are moving towards it.
So, it might be better in some instances to miss the target than to purchase carbon credits because the money could then be used in a different and more sustainable way in the longer term. That might be politically difficult, but it would be more sustainable.
We are getting into political judgments that go beyond our remit. Whether it is a good use of Scottish taxpayers’ money to buy credits in the global carbon market is not for me to answer, but the Scottish Government’s entering the carbon market and buying large amounts of credits is not really what we had in mind. Given that the 80 per cent target will have to be achieved largely through domestic emissions reductions, and because you now have opportunities to make such reductions at low cost in Scotland, the focus should be on that and not on the purchase of credits.
That means that we cannot be sure that the 2.5 per cent cut is a cut at all.
We do not know the figures for 2009 emissions—those data are unavailable—so we have to accept that there is uncertainty. However, as I said, we are reasonably confident that we have modelled the 2009 emissions correctly. We have also modelled economic growth coming out of 2009 and going forward to trend growth in 2011 or 2012. That is why we have not suggested that there will be significant cuts in the next two or three years. The evidence suggests that no one—in Scotland or elsewhere—has broken the link between economic activity, economic growth and emissions growth. That is evident in what has happened in the recession. At UK level, there has been a massive reduction in emissions as a result of the recession, but we expect emissions to pick up again after the recession. That is why Government has to have policies that will offset the impact of economic growth over the next two or three years.
I take the point. I am aware that we are running over time and that there are a few more questions to come. I will leave the matter with a final comment for you to think about.
We all hope that.
What alternative methodologies are being looked at? Clearly, it will be essential to discuss those.
There is a risk that bunker fuel estimates do not capture all the shipping emissions for the UK. Many ships travel to the UK with fuel on board and leave with fuel, so they do not bunker here. How can we get around that problem? Without going into detail, if we understood how many miles a ship had travelled in coming to the UK and what proportion of the ship’s cargo was accounted for by the UK, we could calculate what the UK emissions would be, then allocate those to the Scottish level using the methodology that we used in our report to allocate the bunker fuel emissions. That is a high-level way forward. Detailed and complex technical work is going on in that area.
There are certainly some lifestyle things in our scenarios. For example, we have the smarter choices initiatives, which are about car sharing and moving on to public transport. The recommendation that people turn down their thermostats by one degree is also in the scenarios. People need to start doing that kind of thing if the 42 per cent target is to be met. There are big questions about lifestyle for the next 10 years and beyond. We said in our aviation review that we cannot plan to fly more as we get richer over the next four decades. We can possible fly a bit more, but no more than that. So, we have tackled the lifestyle aspect.
Good afternoon, everybody. The committee had three or four discussions about the report over a number of months. We discussed the scoping of the work and how we would approach it. Then, there was a discussion on progress and on developing the work, one on starting to bring together what we wanted to say, and one to sign off on the report.
The job was easier because, although the report is specific to Scotland, in the United Kingdom context we have developed a way of thinking about these issues in respect of, for example, identifying emissions reduction potential, framing climate change objectives and working down to the national level in respect of what an appropriate contribution is. We have an analytical framework, which we were able to apply to the situation in Scotland. Obviously, CCC members are up to speed on the analytical framework, because they have been part of the process of developing it.
Obviously, there would have been a reasonable amount of dialogue with the Scottish Government in the process, but how much dialogue was there with other organisations or contacts? I presume that there was contact with the Scottish Environment Protection Agency, academics, non-governmental organisations and perhaps with others to inform the process of developing the report.
Have you used any other contacts or organisations—particularly Scottish organisations—as resources to inform the development of the work?
Not directly, but we could give you a list of the organisations that the Scottish Government has talked to, which would be indirect resources for us. We would have to come back to you on that.
The Scottish Government recently published a discussion paper, “Towards a Low Carbon Economy for Scotland”, and work is going on to produce not just ministerial orders and documents that are signed off by the Parliament, but a host of policy measures throughout Government. How is the UK Committee on Climate Change feeding into that work? What goes on between the committee and the Scottish Government to inform the development of work in the area?
You said that the CCC had had about four meetings on the report and that you had had a secondee from the Scottish Government. Will you be able to cope with matters that the Climate Change (Scotland) Act 2009 covers? The 2009 act is new legislation and we are not even a year down the line, but during the passage of the Climate Change (Scotland) Bill concern was expressed in this committee and in the Parliament that your capacity to deal with the Scottish legislation might be quite limited. That is not a criticism of you, but it might reflect the reality. Will you explore that issue with us? Might a time come when you would go back to the Scottish Government and ask for another secondee? Do you need more resources, so that you can meet the demands of the 2009 act?
I will try to pick my way through some of those points. I am interested in how we handle places such as oil refineries and cement works, which are common to the industrialised economies of many countries. Our oil refineries and the cement works near Dunbar are some of the biggest emitters in the sector. Is there evidence from other parts of the UK or Europe on how we are moving towards making them emit less and be more sustainable?
That would be helpful. Like Longannet, the Peterhead gas-fired plant is well placed to take part in carbon capture and storage, but it lost out on funding at an earlier stage that would have allowed it to be involved straight away. Will your evidence allow us to make a stronger case for getting the funding to trial CCS, both from a coal plant and a gas plant?
As I said, there are things that we have not looked at in enough detail to take a committed position on; CCS in energy-intensive industry is one and hydrogen is another. In our 2008 report advising on the 80 per cent target for the UK, we said that, at a minimum, hydrogen would have niche applications. For example, you can imagine heavy goods vehicles or buses running on hydrogen, although it might have wider uses. At the moment, electric cars and vans are more promising because of the practicalities and economics.
That is helpful, given your position at the moment.
Absolutely. There are broader issues. Our legal mandate is to focus on carbon budgets and carbon emissions. We can say unequivocally that there are ways of designing new developments that keep emissions down, but those may conflict with broader political objectives. It is not our mandate to consider such objectives, but a Government will want to consider them. At the end of the day, you may make a political judgment to increase emissions because you have a different objective that you do not want to trade off. We have simply set out the emissions story. Before a political judgment is made on that, there should be debate and discussion that takes full account of all of the transport emissions aspects of new development.
I have a final question about emissions. On page 40 of the report “Scotland’s path to a low-carbon economy”, which was published in February, you suggest:
That is consistent with what we have said, although there may be a bigger opportunity than we think. We are following discussions as they unfold here. We can get involved in the area, if we are asked to do so. We have said that peat restoration is an opportunity to close any gap in efforts to meet the 42 per cent target—for example, if the EU does not move from 20 to 30 per cent. It is an important area that should be seriously considered.
The approach in the UK has been to say that we have policies in place that will deliver something. As you know, carbon emissions reduction targets are the policy that delivers energy efficiency improvements, cavity wall insulation, loft insulation and so on. At European level, there are voluntary agreements on new car emissions, which will deliver something over the next two or three years. However, we can get only so far under the current policies; that is the reason for the step change. In the years for which we have final data—2003 to 2007—we did not achieve massive emissions reductions. Under current policies, we would not expect to achieve the step change—the 3 per cent annual emissions reductions—that we need.
There is of course an amazing opportunity for industry to make headway, if it grasps it.
What is the role for Government?
Yes.
Our view is that, in all the different areas, the low-carbon economy will not create itself; it cannot be a bottom-up process. Industry and business are ready to go. For example, I talk to the 2020 delivery group in Scotland, which is very keen to do things, but it needs the signals and the rules of the game to be set out clearly by Government. The job for Government is to provide confidence in the direction of travel for the economy, and then industry and business can respond. We are not quite there in terms of the rules of the game being clearly set out and the direction of travel being clear to investors so that they feel confident about putting potentially large amounts of money into some parts of the economy.
It is all about certainty, although it is not about providing business with so much certainty that there is no risk at all. You have to find the right balance between certainty and risk, but that balance could be changed from the current situation, and I think that we could do with less uncertainty.
Chapter 5 of your report sets out a range of options for meeting the emissions targets. One of those involves adjusting the emissions reduction target. Could you outline the three alternatives that you suggest, and reflect on whether some adjustment of that sort will be needed?
On cumulative emissions, you said earlier that it would be premature to consider a cumulative budget. I am bewildered by that. The provisions of the act have not been met—no one has done what the act requires be done, which has left the Government in a difficult position. The act states:
It is entirely possible that your straight-line trajectory will be calculated to be acceptable under the terms of whatever cumulative budget you come up with but, until the budget has been calculated, we will not know the merits of that. You have failed to provide advice on the matter to us as MSPs, never mind to the Government, so it is difficult for us to judge whether the Government is in the right ball park and is complying with the act. I am concerned about that. Why will it take you until the end of the year? What advice will you give the Government if the budget is smaller at the end of the process than you anticipated?
If your question is whether 42 per cent is ambitious enough and whether it leaves you enough headroom beyond 2020, let me turn that round. It is hard to see how you could do more than what you are aiming to achieve at the moment, so I do not believe that there is any mileage in raising the target from a 42 per cent reduction in emissions by 2020 to something more ambitious, because I do not believe that you will have the opportunity to deliver that. You will have the opportunity to make deep emissions cuts in the 2020s because, during that time, you can decarbonise the power sector, take a lot of the emissions out of transport, make a lot of headway with renewable heat, and start to transform the agriculture sector.
We spent a lot of time during our consideration of the bill saying that we must be led by the science, but we are not being given the science that would help us to determine whether we are on the right path. I am grateful to Friends of the Earth for its work on what a fair and safe budget would entail. It has drawn on research from the Tyndall Centre for Climate Change Research. That work is alarming because it suggests that, if we look at what might be our share of a safe budget and make a conservative estimate of what is remaining, a 3 per cent trajectory year on year ends up with our emitting twice as much as would be left for us under a fair and safe budget.
On the timescales, one of the key challenges that we face is the lead-in time that you are talking about. Is that taken account of in the work that you have done on your targets? On the Scottish Government’s targets, the main challenge that we face in not being able to bring them forward is the lead-in time for policy and consultation that would be required to ensure that we engage the public and that we have something workable.
You might have touched on this earlier, but you will have seen the Scottish Government’s assessment that the advice from your committee does not fully take into account the effects of some of the policies that have been introduced. Is that what you were referring to in an earlier answer when you said that the Government thinks that it can go further than the committee has suggested?
Yes. That is consistent with our advice. We said what we thought was achievable, which we were confident about. We know that there are other areas. Take for example the Scottish home energy assistance package. On the energy efficiency front, there was possibly scope to add something to what you get from CERT and the community energy saving programme. We had not looked in detail at the boiler scrappage policy, which now appears to be a good opportunity in Scotland.
Let us move on to access to carbon units. The Government has, against the Committee on Climate Change’s advice, ruled out the use of carbon units from 2010-12. What is your opinion on that?
We have not tried to assess the historical performance of the Scottish Government. We took the situation as we found it, and decided that there should be new policies to drive the big emissions reductions.
I would like to hear the answer to those questions, but I will turn to aviation and shipping, which might be even more difficult.
Several issues are important when we are discussing the non-CO2 effects of aviation and shipping. We should be clear that both areas will probably need to be approached in different ways—you might have a multiplier of more than 1 for aviation and less than 1 for shipping, given the sulphates aspect, for example.
There are two answers to that question. If there is a better way of measuring shipping emissions, it can be reflected in the Scottish framework. However, mitigating shipping emissions must ideally have a global framework in order to provide incentives for ship producers to make more efficient ships for the shipping operators to run efficiently. If that cannot happen at global level, we would have to consider a European solution. I know that there is work being done in Brussels on looking at including shipping in the EU ETS, for example. A better way of measuring shipping emissions could be reflected early in the Scottish framework, but emissions reductions in shipping will need broader agreement.
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