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Item 5 is our inquiry on Scotland’s hills and islands. We are taking evidence on the Royal Society of Edinburgh’s 2008 report on Scotland’s hills and islands. I welcome our first panel: Willie Towers, who is principal research scientist at the Macaulay Land Use Research Institute; and Dr Tony Waterhouse, who is head of hill and mountain research at the Scottish Agricultural College.
Professor Bill Slee sends his apologies for not being here. I will do my best to step in with any answers on his behalf.
I will start with the land use strategy that the Government was working on some months back. In passing the Climate Change (Scotland) Bill, the Parliament approved a requirement for the Government to produce a land use strategy. The Royal Society of Edinburgh has commented that the fact that the Climate Change (Scotland) Act 2009 contains a statutory requirement of that sort might narrow the focus of the strategy, so that it is principally about how land is used for climate change-related purposes, rather than land use for broader purposes. Do you share that concern? What is your involvement in the development of the land use strategy, and how do you view it? Will it be the broader, more integrated strategy that people are generally looking for?
The Macaulay institute generally welcomes the existence of a land use strategy. However, I have some sympathy with the concern that it might be too narrowly focused on using land for carbon sequestration, say, at the expense of the other products, benefits and services that land can provide. We should not get too hung up on land’s ability to sequester more carbon. Agricultural land in particular does have the ability to do so, but we cannot keep adding organic carbon to soils if we want to retain the function of food production, as the soils will become too rich in organic matter. There is some concern about that, although I broadly support the basis of a land use strategy.
A land use study was undertaken, led by the Macaulay institute and with involvement from the Scottish Agricultural College, and it turned out to be a precursor to the work that went ahead later.
Are both your organisations actively involved in helping to develop the strategy?
My understanding is that some of our colleagues are involved in the carbon sequestration aspect. We provide data to various arms of government in that respect. I personally am not yet directly involved—although I would wish to be, given that I have worked on Scottish land for longer than I care to remember. We are involved, anyway.
How do you view the land use strategy? It is inevitably a difficult concept, as it potentially involves zoning land or thinking about different uses for it. Land can be used for flood management, forestry, carbon sequestration, peatland, grazing, wind generation and a variety of other purposes. How practical can the strategy become? Will it inevitably be pitched at a high level, indicating what might be possible, rather than detailing specific proposals?
Possibly the indicative forestry strategies guidance to local councils, which is now about 20 years old, is the sort of guidance that a land use strategy might give. A democratic society probably could not implement an overprescriptive set of rules, so the land use strategy will be guideline led.
Are there tensions between the targets for forestry cover and our potential for food production in the longer term? Presumably, some of that same land might be suitable for grazing.
In a Forest Research project for the Forestry Commission that I was involved in in 2005 and 2006, we went through a sieving process whereby we identified land that would be completely unsuitable for trees because of exposure and shallow soils—for example, the Cairngorm plateau—and we also took into account a number of other sensitivities, such as designations of sites of special scientific interest and special protection areas. We also considered things such as prime agricultural land, which is very unlikely to go under large-scale forestry. Through that process, we identified at a broad level land that is in LCA classes 3.2 to the lower 5s—I hope that people are familiar with the land capability for agriculture classification—which might be considered the middle ground between the good arable land and the really rough grazing land. Those sorts of areas seemed to have the least sensitivity to new planting. However, those areas still produce food, albeit in the form of livestock such as cattle and sheep. Therefore, there might well be tensions between those things. Perhaps that is why the 10,000 hectare target has not been met.
I am aware that individual farmers and land managers on the ground hold a variety of views on planting trees, so there is clearly a tension. At the moment, it is quite difficult to do both things on the same bit of land—although that is possible within the same estate—other than by policies such as more formal agriforestry, which is a pet interest of many people around the world but is not heavily supported, although it perhaps could be, here in Scotland. Clearly, that middle ground produces a lot of our better beef and a lot of our better sheep. Such areas do not necessarily produce the high tops or the very best, but they provide that bit in the middle, which probably most epitomises the best products of the Scottish livestock industry. That is probably where the tension will be seen. Practically and on the ground, it might be quite difficult to meet the target because people do not necessarily want to plant trees if they see themselves as continuing to be active farmers. The retreat from hill farming is occurring not in those areas but at the higher levels.
Convener, before I move on to the next subject, others might first want to pick up issues from what has been said.
Yes, I think that Bill Wilson and John Scott have some supplementary questions.
I have two questions following on from Peter Peacock’s comments. The questions are not related, but I will put them together and let the witnesses decide whether to answer one at a time or both at the same time.
Sorry, using forestry in what way?
I am asking about using forestry yields from cities. In other words, because cities often have large parkland areas and lots of trees along the streets, there has been an idea around for some time that those might be used in some way.
Over the past few years, the Forestry Commission has certainly had a major push on what it has called woodlands in and around towns, in which it has taken a significant amount of interest as the national forest service. That scheme has had some success in increasing the number of new trees that are planted and in ensuring that woodland is managed better, both in the urban context and in more rural areas. I do not know the numbers, but I think that they are quite significant. The amount of commercial forestry in that area is probably still quite negligible because of the amenity-versus-production tension that often exists.
I suspect that, when people say “wild land”, they are referring to semi-natural land, because most of our land is semi-natural; at the very least, it is grazed.
Absolutely. It is a matter of wording. Much of our land in Scotland is intermediate ground, as opposed to land that is clearly unmanaged.
A couple of things occur to me. Many people come to Scotland because there are no trees—some people like the bareness of the land; they do not appreciate that it used to be covered in trees. We must take that into consideration.
I declare an interest as a hill farmer.
The priority is the impossible task of trying to achieve all those ends. Frankly, that is what we must try to do—achieve a decent balance.
We should not disconnect the hills and uplands from the lowlands. One area that I have a bee in my bonnet about is urban expansion. I know that the cabinet secretary knows this, but one or two of you might also be aware that every year in Scotland we build a new Dunfermline. That is the amount of open ground lost each year, which you will agree is quite a large area. I should also say that I did not choose that analogy because it is the former Prime Minister’s constituency—it just seems to work with people. The land use debate needs to take into account concerns beyond hills and uplands, given the connection between what happens in low ground and in uplands.
A question on that very target is coming up later.
I was struck by Dr Waterhouse’s comment about putting the right tree in the right place and taking a similar approach to other land uses. Is that achievable alongside the requirement for democratic accountability that Mr Towers referred to? In any case, can it be achieved through guidance or can we get the right tree in the right place only through being more prescriptive and less high level, as Peter Peacock suggested in his question?
The issue is complex because in Scotland we have to deal with very complex land tenure and ownership patterns. After all, we are talking about a significant amount of wild land and a whole range of people who have a whole range of interests, and it is difficult to force people to take what is still in many respects a voluntary approach. To a certain extent, that is where the current aim of planting trees has gone wrong; the people on the ground who make the real choices have not done so. Similarly, it is all very well telling people, “Don’t take your sheep off the hills,” but, unless there is a mechanism in place to do something about it, those sheep will continue to go. The big challenge is in balancing carrots and sticks.
But you can foresee the risk of ending up with a land use strategy that is exemplary at an indicative level but has no mechanisms for delivery.
Yes. For example, I guess that there has not been enough of a national strategy for wind farms. Local planning deals with certain aspects, but the overall situation has not been dealt with properly. Can we really have a land use strategy that covers wind farms, agriculture, forestry, leisure and nature conservation at one and the same time? Clearly, if we are to have such a strategy, it has to be indicative, but the question is whether the right levers have been put in place to move it on from that.
Could we take an approach similar to that taken in the waste strategy, with incentives being put in place to make local authorities collaborate instead of simply leaving it up to each to define what it thinks it needs and thereby causing duplication of effort?
I am afraid that I do not know enough about how the waste strategy works.
Mr McArthur, are you worried that the strategy might become too aspirational and end up almost as a dream?
Yes, in the sense that we could end up with a strategy that does everything that we need it to do but has no mechanism for ensuring its delivery.
Part of the problem—well, perhaps it is not a problem as such—is that most land is privately owned, which means that there is no control over how it is used other than through financial incentives and, of course, the physical constraints that are imposed by the natural environment. We simply need to get the right incentives in the right place—which, again, is beyond us.
The land use community that we are talking about does not have a lot of money, which means that you cannot use a lot of sticks such as extra compliance measures or added red tape, if you want to call it that. We cannot, for example, put some kind of land use landfill tax on them, because they cannot afford it. The fact is that these people tend to vote with their feet. There is no easy way of managing the situation except by taking a different approach to the significant amount of positive support that already goes into the hills; indeed, one of the key issues in that respect is how we move that support around.
Will you expand a little on the wind farm issue? I have an interest in that as I have the biggest onshore wind farm in my constituency. With wind energy, we have some levers in the planning system, so I am interested in how you think that the strategy needs to be developed and what concerns you have, for good reasons, about the spread of onshore wind farms and the impact on hills.
I am using examples that I perhaps know less about than I should, so I will not go into policy. We can see on the ground that wind farms clearly provide a lot of money in the land use base and they can help with some infrastructure requirements by making the keeping of sheep easier in some situations, but often the animals are not there any more. There are pluses and minuses on a local scale, but I would prefer not to go too deeply into policy issues.
Some of my colleagues are working on the trade-offs in building wind farms on vulnerable organic soils. If we have to remove carbon-rich soils to establish wind farms, how long does it take to pay back the loss of the terrestrial carbon that has been there for millennia? As far as I am aware, the debate is still going on, and various models are being developed. It is a simple question, but there is not a simple answer.
Before we move on to the next set of questions, I want to clarify something that you said at the beginning, Mr Towers, about soils becoming too rich. Did you mean that too much organic matter is being put on some soils?
No. I meant that, if we load up certain soils that have naturally poor drainage with too much manure or slurry, they will become very difficult to work because the organic matter enhances the water-holding capacity of the soil. Although we may sequester more carbon in doing that, we cause more problems to the soil itself as it becomes compacted and can give out methane, which is also a greenhouse gas. We must be careful in targeting carbon sequestration to the soils that will benefit from it most. One example is the sandy soil along the Moray Firth.
Is that a big problem? I was at the all-energy conference last week in Aberdeen, where there was talk about biomass plants on farms using surplus slurry and manure. Is that a way of using slurry and manure without further harming soils?
When it is applied at the correct rate, slurry is very beneficial to soil, and farming manure is even more beneficial because there is less liquid in it. Biomass energy plants, at either farm or collective scale, are a good way of recycling the material—producing energy and recycling the by-product back to the land. Collective systems are very big in Denmark.
I want to move on to broader rural development policy. We have had from the Royal Society of Edinburgh a fairly broad criticism that there is no joined-up rural development policy in Scotland. It suggests that we tend to look at economic development through our economic development agencies and that we have a strategy for that, including in our rural areas, but that we have separate agricultural, fishing, forestry and transport strategies and so on, and nowhere are they pulled together into a coherent rural development plan or strategy for Scotland.
That was actually Professor Slee’s contribution to our evidence—
I am sure that you agree with him, though.
I agree in principle, but I do not know the detail of the economics of rural development and different strategies. Therefore, I will come back to you on that with more evidence from Bill Slee and myself.
Again, you are moving into an area in which I am not a specialist. I represent a team of people, some of whom would feel happy answering that question, but I would be less comfortable doing so.
Let me scale down the question and not ask you to commit your organisation to anything. You are both experienced people in the rural scene in Scotland, and you interact with people who work in that environment. What is your impression of the situation? From what you encounter, does the world look not very well joined up, or is it an unrealistic ambition to have everything in different strategies joined up? Do you have any thoughts on that?
I am aware that most funding still tends to go into the primary sector—agriculture and forestry—rather than rural development and small industries per se, and I know that many people are critical of that. Obviously, the primary industries provide a lot of employment in downstream industries such as haulage and the seed industry.
Hill farming is an extremely difficult business, and it is becoming more so. As the modern world moves on, it is difficult for hill farmers to keep up. There does not seem to be an easy way in which those businesses can be made more profitable. Clearly, other things must be built on to the primary product, which means that there must be a move away from agriculture to other forms of rural development. We must ensure that land management units, whether they are crofts, farms or estates, can access appropriate help to develop. How that is done is a matter for the policy side. It is difficult for individuals to access help, and I am sure that it is difficult for the other end to supply help as well. The arrangements are slightly disjointed and could be improved.
Can I just clarify the sort of information that you require from my colleague?
I am sure that the clerks will outline that when they get in touch.
MLURI’s submission draws attention to the fact that the United Kingdom’s sheep stocks have reduced by 15 per cent since 2004 and that the Irish flock has reduced by 30 per cent in the same period. Will the recent uplift in the prices due to the weakness of the pound against the euro halt the decline, or is that a continuing trend? Will there be further downsizing or even abandonment of farms? Have we reached the bottom?
Individual farmers will tell you that there are a lot of factors that are not going to change too quickly. The underlying economics are not great. We have had a really bad winter and a really difficult spring. The positive effect of having good prices has been offset by rising costs, and the prospect of a cheery future has been knocked down a bit.
The issue is to do with a protracted, long-term, generational decline rather than simply being to do with current prices.
That is part of the picture. Decline was evident in 1997, before the single farm payment, when we had headage payments. The adoption of the single farm payment, which gave farmers the freedom to change their system, removed the plug from the plug hole. What could replace the plug, or provide incentives that would slow down the process, is a matter for policy makers to discuss. A return to headage payments might slow down decline, as would finding a way to encourage and support young entrants and new people to enter the area, which is something that rarely happens.
Will you talk about the age profile of the industry?
That is definitely a problem. I do not know enough about the data, but I guess that hill farming is probably the worst area in that regard, compared with more vibrant parts of agriculture.
From the paper that Bill Slee provided, it appears that the rate of decline has slowed, but we do not know whether the slow-down is permanent. I was intrigued to read that sheep meat production has remained at the same level. That is interesting.
How are less favoured areas in England and Wales faring? Are sheep numbers coming down in the north of England? I was under the impression that they are.
There has been a huge decline in Wales—it is as big as the decline in the Scottish uplands.
What about the north of England?
There have been dramatic changes in some areas. There is the classic experience of almost everything going from certain moorlands. If you drove across the moors, you would think, “Where have all the sheep gone?” We do not have to look at the numbers; we can see what is happening on the ground. That is particularly the case in the north York moors.
It is worrying that, although the subsidy and support regime is better in Ireland, there has been a bigger decline there. It is not just about profitability; there is a more fundamental issue.
That is my view. A lot of it is to do with social change, which is incredibly difficult to tweak with the odd bit of subsidy.
It is also to do with individuals’ aspirations in society. Farming the hills and uplands is a hard job; people can make a better living in the towns and cities, where life is much more comfortable. That is a real issue.
In the past, shepherds and part-time farm workers would become full-time tenant farmers or even buy their way in. If there are not those workers coming into farming, where is the continuity? In contrast, it is interesting that there is quite a lot of vibrancy in gamekeeping, which attracts quite a lot of young people. They do not move on to own estates—there is not that sort of evolution—but they certainly move on to better jobs on the estate. It is funny how different the labour patterns are in gamekeeping and farming, which take place in similar areas. Some elements of grouse shooting are doing quite well and there is a chance to become a manager—there is continuity.
We have to ask whether farming is losing skills for the future.
I know about those issues, but my colleagues might not do so, so please talk about the loss of skills and how the generational chain need only be broken once.
During the past two years, I have talked to many hill farmers and land managers in Scotland, England and Wales. It is clear that what they most miss is decent skilled labour to do various jobs. The lack of availability of labour is causing many problems. In the past, people got help from neighbouring farms and shared labour, but that labour pool has quietly dwindled away. A farmer might now get a lad from the village to do work on a temporary, casual basis. Skills are going and the number of workers is going down. However, I would not want to say that things are in a state of total collapse, because people are still getting things done.
Is the situation impacting on environmental enhancement?
It cannot but do so. The rural stewardship scheme and the Scotland rural development programme have provided a lot of help. However, dyking and fencing, for example, were for quite a long time a contractor-rich area, but getting contractors to do some of that work is now ever more expensive—some of the rates are quite different from the grant rates. It seems crazy that farmers are getting people to drive for two hours to do certain jobs rather than having somebody relatively close do them. That is only one step away from not getting the job done at the right time in the right way. The individual farmers who could do some of this stuff are not able to do it because they do not have the time, they have reduced their labour force or they already have a second job. That has had an impact on how they keep their livestock. Some farmers are definitely cutting back and trying to find ways to make their system easier. They themselves are therefore not maintaining the same skills, because things are getting cut.
I hope that this is relevant. Some of my colleagues have done work that demonstrates that no grazing is as bad as overgrazing for increasing the fuel load on the hills and decreasing biodiversity. Aside from the food production aspect, certain habitats require grazing to maintain biodiversity, although perhaps not the levels of grazing that there were in the past. That is what we mean by multifunctional landscapes; it is about getting the balance right. I am aware that heavy grazing can cause soil erosion in upland peats, which means a decline in our terrestrial carbon stock. It is about getting the balance right, both above ground and in the soil itself, between grazing pressure, food production and environmental protection.
You have partly answered my question on a point that I was going to ask Dr Waterhouse to describe a bit more fully. Dr Waterhouse, you talked about a structural problem for farming and implied that whole glens might be abandoned. Do you mean that farmers might completely abandon the land, or do you mean that they will come down off the higher ground, have less income from farming, look for a part-time job and employ fewer people?
There is the risk of both. I do not know the numbers, but it would be interesting to find out what change there has been in the number of people who are still claiming the single farm payment. They have in effect had no livestock. We can easily look at all the numbers and the census figures to see what is going on.
Relating this to our earlier conversation on the issue, and taking the description that you have given of people moving down the hill and off land that is more difficult to farm because of the factors that you have described, we might think that farmers would be thinking, “Shall I do a bit of forestry on that bit of ground? Should I get some money to block up drains to reflood peatland?” Why is that not happening? Is there a lack of advice for farmers? Is there a lack of access to programmes? What is not there that would allow the enterprise to continue and would have other, wider benefits?
That is a very good question, because the opportunity is there for farmers to make their farming activity slightly more profitable or less loss making by contracting it and looking for opportunities elsewhere. A number of farmers are looking at such opportunities. Wind farms are the big bonanza, but things such as small-scale hydro are much more on the scale of what individual farmers or land managers of estates can get up to. Forestry is a difficult world and it is more for forestry experts. I am involved in forestry to a limited degree, but there still is not seen to be the incentive or the market out there. Farmers do not like planting trees just for grant, bizarrely. Even though they get a lot of grants, they dislike the idea of planting something that is not particularly useful. Part of the problem is that we have not got our heads round the fact that farms can be productive in growing timber for the next generation. A change in mindset and better advice from our agencies are needed.
There is possibly also a lack of awareness of the opportunities that are out there.
You mentioned issues around workforce skills. Is anybody doing any workforce planning or analysis of where the gaps are and what needs to be done? Could anything be done through the rural development programme to encourage training programmes in the current economic climate, in which jobs will be more difficult to find?
I am trying to find a national-scale example. I am involved a little bit with the Loch Lomond and the Trossachs National Park Authority, which is doing policy work in that area to see what is missing and how something such as apprenticeships might be created. There have been a couple of examples of apprenticeships in the Breadalbane area working with schools. That has been quite a successful local model. It is slightly outside my area of expertise, but I am not aware of any national study. The numbers could easily be produced from the census, but that would not tell you what is happening below that, and the level of detail below that would be interesting.
Would that be a worthwhile piece of research?
If there is a gap, yes.
We saw in some of the crofting areas that one crofter tended to work more and more crofts as people moved out of a township. As people come off the slopes and gaps open up because farmers are finding it more difficult to work the upland, are we seeing any movement towards the amalgamation of farms into larger farms?
Yes.
Yes, that is one of the trends. That happens either by default—because the neighbour does not graze the hill, the sheep move there—or when the land is taken over. One way in which farms in both the lowlands and the uplands have tried to make their businesses more efficient has been in trying to expand them. Some expansion has clearly been occurring.
Do the gaps that are opening up between farms tend to be filled in again with farmland when farms amalgamate?
It depends on where they are. There are relatively few bits of the better agricultural areas in Scotland where the gaps do not get filled. Land does not get abandoned in the better areas; abandonment is seen in the high hills, where there is nobody who wants to take it over. I can think of examples of neighbouring farmers asking why they should take such land over, as it would be harder for them to work and they would not get enough income from it to offset the cost, even with the single farm payments and area payments. If the land had income generation capacity, that would be appropriate, but it would be a challenge to take it over for livestock. It would be more sensible to take over the better land in the lower areas. In the crofting and hill farming areas, if better land is available, people are attracted to it, but it depends on whether farming it fits into the local infrastructure and local geography—sometimes it does, sometimes it does not. There must be a neighbour to take over the land, and in some areas there is not because there is obviously some institution or just a gap. If you drive up certain of our glens, you will see nothing for a while and the appearance of abandonment starting to happen.
I understand that balanced grazing—that is, not excessive grazing—introduces stress into the ecosystem that creates the competition that results in biodiversity. It occurs to me that, if the grazing is taken off the higher slopes, there will still be a considerable climatic stress. Does taking the grazing off the higher slopes reduce biodiversity or is there the same richness of species, only with the species changed?
I should add that sheep and cows are not the only grazers out there—red deer are important, too. We and the Macaulay institute have undertaken complementary work on changes in grazing, which shows that there is just a shift. Do we get more or less biodiversity? It depends on how that is measured, as you will know. We definitely lose some of the biodiversity that we currently value and it is replaced by something slightly different. That is likely to happen less quickly in our hill areas than in our lowland areas, where there can be a dramatic shift in biomass. The shifts are slow, but they do occur. With reduced grazing, we get tall herbage and a loss of meadow pipits and skylarks. Those are the headlines. Something else will eventually replace those, but it might not be as rich in numbers or as appropriate. We value our skylarks, but we might not value whatever comes in their place. It depends a bit on what we want, but how we are managing things currently is probably more appropriate than shifting to something different that we do not value so much.
I am conscious of time; we have less than 10 minutes to cover questions on less favoured area status and the single farm payment. Aileen Campbell has a quick question.
It is just a supplementary to some of the points that have been raised already. Is there any kind of relationship between land ownership and decline? Are tenant farmers less fleet of foot and less able to adapt to some of the changes that are happening? Are people who own their land able to adapt more readily and quickly?
I am not aware of a study, but I can think of examples.
SAC’s report of two years ago shows that landowners have much more flexibility than tenant farmers have to adapt to change in some circumstances.
Absolutely. To some extent, tenant farmers are imprisoned within the rules of their tenancy and that encourages them to stay as they are. Their main asset is their livestock—it is their bank balance—but a landowner has a much wider range of things that have value. So yes, that is clearly part of the system.
Are there any signs of it being more profitable for bigger estates to let out farmhouses to people coming into the area as opposed to leasing them out for farming use?
Again, I do not know the statistics, but quite a lot of estates have taken their land back in hand for a variety of reasons. I am not sure whether that is happening faster than before, but it means that they can trap some of their valuable assets.
So that is having a significant impact on the retreat from the hills and the decline in livestock.
It makes it very difficult for people who want to come in and form the labour pool to find somewhere to live. The house has vanished. Maybe we have seen the loss of some shepherds because the shepherd’s house is no longer available for a shepherd to come and live in. It is still common for people to drive out of the town to work in the countryside doing relatively low-paid jobs, which seems to be tragic.
Liam, could you combine your questions?
I will try.
You may have guessed from my accent that I am quite familiar with Orkney. I disagree with Mr McArthur. Orkney is very well farmed, but people are restricted primarily to livestock management. Orkney will never be covered in fields of wheat, barley, potatoes and oilseed rape; therefore, it is physically disadvantaged. It is certainly not as physically disadvantaged as much of the Highlands and Islands, but land use options there are still constrained. Essentially, land can be used for cattle and sheep, albeit for more intensive cattle and sheep farming. I slightly disagree with Mr McArthur on that aspect.
Are you confident that that can be achieved by manipulating the biophysical criteria, or will socioeconomic factors require to be considered alongside them?
I will home in on Orkney again. Orkney, which is disadvantaged biophysically and locationally, would rightly come under LFA based on the revised biophysical criteria. There will always be winners and losers, and we will never get a perfect match with the current LFA boundary. The new LFAs are called agricultural areas with natural handicaps, or ANHs—that is a new acronym for members. One member state thought that it had a perfect match, but I thought that that sounded a little bit iffy. Things are structured differently. We have to report either by electoral ward or by parish, whereas the current LFA boundary is based on natural features. Therefore, we will never get a perfect match.
Do you support targeting by fragility—targeting fragile and very fragile areas—and having granularity in that way?
I think that I would step into the policy arena by answering that question, and would rather not do so. I simply advise the Government on biophysical criteria outputs. We work closely together, but I would not like to delve into how things are implemented into policies. I am sorry.
Have you considered wind and wind chill? We allegedly have 40 per cent of Europe’s resource of wind. Is that taken into account in the designations, or should it be? I know from stock farming that the average mean temperature is one thing but that wind chill kills more sheep and lambs than anything else does.
It is not a criterion.
Why not? Should it not be considered?
It is considered within our own national LCA classification. We did a lot of work for the Scottish Government and it was keen that that classification should be adopted as the means of redefining LFA, but the EU went down the common criteria route. Do you think that it should be taken into account?
Yes.
Okay.
I think that any hill walker would be inclined to agree with John Scott about wind chill.
We cannot have it both ways. It is alleged that we have 40 per cent of Europe’s natural resource of wind here in Scotland. That might work for energy, but it certainly works in the opposite direction for livestock farming, as anybody who has stood at 2,000ft trying to gather sheep will know. It is impossible even to whistle or to hear the dogs.
It affects the animals’ health.
It does.
I move on to the possible relationship between the land capability for agriculture classification and the single farm payment. You will be aware that Brian Pack’s interim report proposed a system—somewhat controversially, as it turned out—whereby we would move to an area-based payment that was based on land use classification. What consequences would such a scheme have for livestock numbers and farming in upland areas?
That is a big question. The example that Brian Pack put forward was just an Aunt Sally, so to speak. It depends on how payments would be made for different land classes. It is difficult to answer the question without knowing the exact sums in the final proposal, to be honest.
I think that he included some ranges in his report, but the proposal was meant to be an example of a possible system rather than a definite proposal.
Yes. Ideally, he would like the flat line to accommodate all sectors of the Scottish farming industry. Unfortunately, it seems that his proposal upset all the sectors. I found that interesting. It seemed that they would all lose, which I found intriguing.
Part of the reason why they would all lose is that there is a suspicion that pillar 1 is going to reduce anyway, so everybody would lose out.
As we speak, my colleagues are looking at a wider range of scenarios based on different aggregations of and payment rates for the LCA classes, albeit within the total budget. We are still experimenting with and analysing different scenarios.
Is there a possibility of a single farm payment that is based on agreed public goods rather than an area system? Is that a possible alternative to what Brian Pack proposed? There would have to be agreement about what the public goods were, so it would not be easy.
There is a lot of debate about how we value public goods. The Scottish Government has invited us to tender for the next round of research. Ecosystem services is another phrase for public goods, or services other than food production that are provided by the land. How do we value and measure those? The Scottish Government is keen to embed that into incentivisation, but we do not yet have the evidence base on which to do that.
I suppose the problem is that 2014 is four years away and we do not know whether the work or the research will be sufficiently progressed and agreed by then.
The decision needs to be made beforehand. It is not as if the decision will not be made until 2014. Things are happening now.
It seems unlikely that the approach will be developed in time for the current round.
I do not know enough about European politics, but I doubt it. That would be quite a challenge.
Thank you for your attendance. If you could provide written evidence within the next few days on the issues that arose, that would be helpful.
Will the clerk notify us of the issues that we should follow up?
Yes. He will be in touch with you.
The next panel of witnesses is from the Scottish Government. I apologise for keeping you waiting, gentlemen. I welcome Richard Lochhead MSP, Cabinet Secretary for Rural Affairs and the Environment; David Barnes, head of agricultural and rural development, and Bruce Beveridge, head of rural communities, of the rural and environment directorate; and Roy MacLachlan, assistant chief agricultural officer, of the rural payments and inspections directorate. I understand that the cabinet secretary wishes to make a short opening statement.
Thank you. It is a pleasure to be here. You have been taking evidence recently and today on a subject that is important to rural Scotland and our nation’s future. It is a wide-ranging subject that touches on many different issues. I recognise that a principal motivation for the committee’s evidence taking is to examine the reduction in livestock numbers on Scotland’s hills and islands.
Some time ago, you made a commitment to develop a comprehensive land use strategy and the Climate Change (Scotland) Act 2009 placed a requirement on ministers to do that. One of the things that emerged in evidence that we heard a couple of weeks ago from the RSE, and which has been hinted at by a couple of others, is that there is a fear that because the statutory requirement comes from the 2009 act, the land use strategy might concentrate simply on those aspects of land use that are to do with mitigating climate change. However, I think that your original objective was to have a broader land use strategy. Will you give us reassurance, if you can, that that will not be the case and that you are looking at a broad land use strategy? What progress is being made on the strategy?
That is a pretty crucial subject, and I can reassure you that the land use framework will be wide ranging. Of course, we gave a commitment before the Climate Change (Scotland) Bill was enacted to introduce such a strategy. The 2009 act expedited matters, because we have to stick to a timetable for publishing the strategy—we have an ambitious deadline of next March. Within a few months, we hope to put the strategy out to consultation and then we will have Scotland’s first-ever land use strategy ready for March 2011. A lot of work will have to be done on it thereafter, but we will at least have a basis.
Very much so; your commitments are helpful. Partly because of the timescale, but also because of the complexity involved, it is inevitable that the strategy will be a very high-level document. What will its practical impact be in areas such as the south of Scotland, the Borders, Moray or Wester Ross? Will it impact directly on those areas rather in the way that the indicative forestry strategies of some years ago did? At what level do you see the strategy operating, or is that not yet clear?
It is worth making the point that the land use strategy is not just rural; it will be a land use strategy for the whole of Scotland, albeit that there will be a large emphasis on rural land because that is where most of our available land and natural resources are.
I am happy to hear that the strategy will be a wide-ranging examination, but I would like the cabinet secretary to clarify something. You have received proposals, for example from the John Muir Trust, regarding wild land. Will such proposals be considered under the land use strategy?
You will have to explain the particular point that you are referring to.
Ignoring the term “wild land”—the trust accepts that most of our land is semi-natural—there is a concept that, in some highly isolated areas, we might prefer to keep to small community developments, rather than any large industrial development with large concrete structures, in effect. I am quickly paraphrasing the John Muir Trust’s proposals, but the general idea is to keep some areas in more of a semi-natural state, with others being more convenient for larger, industrial developments.
The strategy will certainly address such issues in the context of what our land can deliver, and it will no doubt refer to those uses and benefits—and to questions of whether land will have production on it. The answer to your question is therefore yes, to that extent.
You are probably not aware of what was said during our previous evidence session, but what you have just stated was very much reflected in the views that we heard about the land use strategy being indicative. We might get an indicative land use strategy that ticks all the boxes, makes all the necessary compromises and strikes the balances between different uses of land, but, without a certain level of prescription or detail, there is a risk of its being undeliverable. Once the indicative strategy is in place, how can actions be incentivised, so that the right trees are planted in the right place and similar approaches are taken for other types of land use?
I expect that some pointers will be given through the next stages of the strategy as it is reflected in policy around the country. The relationship between agricultural use and forestry is relatively controversial and leads to a lot of debate. We have been bringing those sectors together, and it is now accepted that we can have forestry side by side with agricultural use, although the scale on which that can happen will vary in different parts of the country. The question will be how to ensure that the policy is seen in that way around Scotland—in other words, with integrated land use being supported and developed.
I want to pursue that issue. You talked about visiting the Drummuir Estate and seeing multiple uses of the land there. I suspect that support for those different uses of land will come from the various Government programmes to which you have just referred and that presumably there will therefore be a tie-up at some point between the land use strategy and other Government programmes.
Yes. First, there is the more difficult issue, which is the extent to which Governments should adopt specific policies of population retention or equality of services—as happens in a few countries worldwide—and how that would work in a Scottish context. I have not reached a view on whether that would be a good thing. Although the idea is attractive, it would be difficult to put into practice. You can imagine what it would be like to have a legal obligation to deliver equality of services and population retention in all parts of Scotland. To what extent can public policy deliver those outcomes? The principle is attractive, but delivering it could be challenging for any Government. I suspect that that is why no Administration so far has gone down that road.
Next month.
We hope to have the first draft of the rural framework next month. It will go out to consultation, and hopefully the committee can have some input. The framework will address how we can pull together all the areas to which you referred, such as agricultural policy, forestry policy and energy policy. Its purpose is to consider how we can have more viable rural communities and a prosperous rural Scotland by taking into account all the big opportunities that are available in the 21st century, possibly including some of the issues that we are discussing in the land use strategy. How can we make our energy resource work for rural Scotland? How can we make food work for rural Scotland? How can we create jobs and economic activity?
That is interesting—I look forward to seeing the framework in due course, as I am sure others do.
Yes, but various current work streams have the potential to go down that road. The previous Administration decided to take an outcomes-based approach to the rural development programme, which was perhaps the first stab at taking such an approach.
If I accept what you say—I recognise that there is a direction of travel here—do you believe that there is a current deficit in the support that we give to the agricultural community through the change process? I know that people can apply to the SDRP, but they have to know about it and how to work it before they get there. Is enough advice available? Is there a lack of support to help people decide whether to apply for a renewable device or to get another grant from a different strand of the agricultural programme to do something entirely different?
A substantial amount of advice and support is available—indeed, the Scottish Agricultural College, from which you heard evidence previously, is heavily involved in that. I accept that there is huge potential to take that to the next level and the Government is looking at ways to support that. However, you must also ask yourself the primary question—what is the purpose of agriculture?—and following on from that, what is the purpose of agricultural support? That is very much the backdrop to your evidence gathering. Those questions are linked to the Pack inquiry that we are holding and to the future of the common agricultural policy in Europe. Before we start to drive agriculture down any particular road—obviously, the industry is having the same debate—we must ask what its purpose is and whether it is to have a variety of roles. That is the big debate at the moment.
One of the things that unites the committee is our concern about community viability in the most remote and fragile areas. All our work suggests that. A particular barrier is the lack of funding, for historic and other reasons, in the SRDP scheme. What efforts are you making to address that? The MLURI paper suggests that we have the lowest funding of that type of any regional or member state in Europe. I know the reasons for that, but what you are doing to address the situation?
It is a big and frustrating issue. You are right that we have the lowest level of rural development funding in the UK, and we also have the lowest level in Europe. We are bottom of the league by a long way because European allocations are based on historic allocation in member states. In the 1990s and earlier, domestic expenditure on rural development was very low, so when the EU started funding rural development it based its allocations on those historic levels in member states and we lost out big time.
We are where we are, which is a matter of regret to everyone on the committee. Notwithstanding that, what will you do about it in respect of CAP reform?
We have made that point whenever the opportunity has arisen, with Brussels and with the UK Government, but the best opportunity for us to do so will not arise until the negotiations are under way for the next round of funding, so we will have to wait for that to happen. When the allocation keys for rural development funding are being considered as part of the next budget, we will have to try our hardest to influence that debate, so that it is not based on historic allocations in member states. Of course, the new member states did not have historic allocations, so they get quite a good deal. We have a lot of catching up to do. It would have been helpful to have that amount of investment available for rural communities in Scotland.
You mentioned rural areas in relation to energy and, in particular, renewable energy, which is understandable. One issue that came up in the previous evidence session was the need for a strategy on where it will be appropriate to have wind farms on agricultural land and the positive and negative impacts that they can have on hill farms. What work has your department done to assess those issues?
The locational strategies for renewable energy are not directly in my remit, but Jim Mather’s team has done a lot of work on the issue and I am sure that we can arrange for you to get some information on that. Over the past few years, there have been a number of locational strategies. Some local authorities have had their own strategies and MLURI has been involved in drawing up some locational strategies, probably more for the commercial sector, so that the developers know where the most likely places to go are. A lot of work has been done on that.
Has your department had any input into that work? We heard in evidence that where wind farms go and how they work has an impact on agricultural production.
We generally have an input on that. I do not have the information in front of me, but I would be happy to get back to you. Ironically, the main contact that we have is from farmers and landowners who want to erect renewable energy devices and are finding it difficult either because of the planning system in their local areas, which they find quite frustrating, or because they cannot get on to the grid as there is no connection to it. There is certainly a big demand.
I understand that there is huge demand. In such circumstances, it is important to ensure that we do not allow that demand and the policy in favour of renewable energy to be detrimental to the land use policy. There must be joined-up thinking. I support the installation of wind turbines, but we must do it in a way that shows that we understand its impact on hill farming and on peatland, and how that all works together.
That is a very good point. Most of the guidance and the locational strategies are based on the cumulative effect of wind turbines, whereas what we are speaking about now is not the impact of wind farms as such but the impact of wind turbines on a farm. You are probably right to identify that more work needs to be done on that aspect, because most of the effort has been on the wind farms.
My concern is similar to the one that Karen Gillon outlined. We heard evidence this morning that it might not be appropriate for wind farms or individual turbines to be erected on some soil types, because disturbing the soil might release more carbon than using the wind turbines would prevent from being formed. I can understand why farmers are attracted to the potential income that they can get from erecting wind turbines, but doing so may not be the best possible alternative use of the land.
Many wind farm developers to whom I have spoken recently have explained what hoops they have to jump through when it comes to environmental assessments of where they locate their wind farms. The impacts on peatlands and so on are taken into account currently when consideration is given to where wind farms are located. Your question might be wider than that. We must ensure that the same consideration is taken regarding individual turbines on farms. I will take away the point as it relates to the land use strategy, so as to understand better how we are addressing the matter. It is the sort of issue that I hope the land use strategy will touch on.
I take you back to a point that John Scott raised. On the disparity among rates of spend, not just within the UK but across the EU—you have rehearsed some of the figures this morning—we heard in evidence from the first panel of witnesses a fortnight ago that if we are considering recasting pillar 1 funding away from the historical basis of payment to a basis determined by need for and delivery of a range of public goods, as under pillar 2, adopting exactly the same approach is essential and justified.
That is a good point. We must understand what the various scenarios are before we take decisions about what we want the future common agricultural policy to look like and how it should be delivered in Scotland. Modelling of the different scenarios is not finished, but it is under way. We have to be conscious of that, given that the Pack inquiry is taking place and we want Brian Pack to be aware of the different scenarios before final conclusions are reached. He is conscious of that, too. We must take into account the timescale for the modelling and the timescale for Brian Pack to deliver his final recommendations.
Can you indicate a timeframe for that? There is concern that Brian Pack has been handed a challenging undertaking, all the more so because the argument about how the total spending is recalibrated in different member states has not been resolved. He is dividing up a cake that might be smaller than it needs to be.
That is a fair point, and there are two elements to it. First, we are trying to guess what the scenarios are, and then we will model them. Secondly, we need to understand the Commission’s thinking on what those scenarios might be, so that we model the right ones, but we do not know yet, as the Commission is taking a bit longer with its communications on the future of the CAP. We are trying to coincide our work here in Scotland with other people’s timetables. I am in Brian Pack’s hands as to how he wishes to handle that. I know that he wants the modelling information to be available to help him decide what is best for Scotland.
Yes. My voice is not great this morning, so apologies if I splutter a little.
There is no doubt that the work is complex. From the interaction that you have had with Commission officials, or that the cabinet secretary has had with the commissioner, are you picking up, like Professor Maxwell did, that there is sympathy in the Commission for this direction of travel in relation to rural development spend?
Which direction of travel?
A move from an historic basis to a needs basis for pillar 2 funding.
There is an expectation that we will move away from an historic basis.
On pillar 2 as well as pillar 1?
We have not really had any signals yet on the Commission’s thinking on pillar 2. I am not sure whether David Barnes has picked up anything different.
We will come back to that. It is not totally relevant to what we are discussing now. We are at question 2. There are 16 questions and time is moving on.
Question 7 has been asked so we can rub that one out.
Although nothing is set in stone, we have no intention of revisiting the targets. Our forestry strategy, which was published relatively recently, reaffirmed the existing target, which we inherited from the previous Administration. You are right about the low levels of planting, which is a cause for concern. Putting that into context, we had a low level of planting in the late 1990s and early 2000s. It picked up then dipped again, which coincided with the start of the new rural development programme. Obviously, that took a bit of time to get off the ground. At that point, the economics were pretty poor for plantings. Many people were saying that it was just not economical to plant at that time. Those two factors influenced the planting rate. Thankfully, the signs are that the rate will pick up quite rapidly, although I do not deny for a second that it will still be a challenge. The Government—whoever it is in the next few years—will have to keep coming up with innovative, creative ways to accelerate plantings.
Does that form part of your thinking on the rural development programme and on whether there should be more emphasis on incentivising forestry planting?
We should not rule out anything at the moment, and we should not rush into decisions. I currently have on my desk the applications from the regional proposal assessment committees for the next round of funding under the rural development programme. Those have just come to me over the past day or two, and we will be making an announcement shortly. I have not looked at them all in detail yet, but there are some substantial applications for plantings and woodlands. That is a further sign that things are picking up again. We must not rush into decisions, but we are always looking for new opportunities.
At a more technical level, we have been making modest but continuing improvements to the SRDP afforestation programme. We introduced a fast-track system for the approvals process for tree planting projects. With ConFor, we have been closely examining individual payment rates. For example, it asked us to update payments for fencing around plantations, because costs had gone up and the rates were therefore out of date, and we have done that on a continuing basis. A lot of the modifications that we have made to the SRDP over the past couple of years have been in response to technical requests of that sort from the forestry sector. Those measures are modest, but we hope that they have been helpful.
I will put my question more directly. I note that you have no intention to revisit the targets, but would you accept that the planting targets are unrealistic, given the competing use and the emerging science? Realistically, the only places left to plant are on organic upland soils—on land that is essentially key to any future expansion for food production and food security. That land should therefore not be used for planting—and there is nowhere else left to plant, given that we cannot plant on peat soils and that trees do not grow above 1,300ft or 1,400ft.
That is indeed a direct question. If we thought that that were the case, and if we had the evidence, we would not have commissioned a land use strategy for Scotland. I hope that the land use strategy will address such issues, so that we understand better the land’s capability for meeting some of the targets that we have been discussing.
Much of the land that is being abandoned is in the north and west, and if the soils are not pure peat, they are often black topped, so they are not realistic places for planting timber, simply because of the carbon displacement.
There are lots of examples around the country. At Drummuir estate, where I was yesterday, we find a patchwork of land where, within a few thousand acres, there is a site where a wind farm will be erected; there are three or four tenanted farms with livestock and arable production; there are forestry plantations and forestry to provide shelters on the farms; and there are further small plots within the farms. That is an example of integrated land use.
You talked about innovative and creative approaches and new opportunities, which I am delighted to hear about. During the past decade or so, there has been serious discussion about the possibility of developing commercial forestry in cities and larger towns, but as far as I am aware that is not being done in Scotland. Are you prepared to consider that approach?
I am always happy to consider new ideas. I was in Aberdeen a few weeks ago, to help to plant the first seedlings for new woodland at Seaton, adjacent to the high-rises.
That is true, but it is not envisaged that people would go into the streets and clear fell sections of woodlands. It takes time to build up a variable age group among trees, so that yield can be taken without clearing the woodland. The potential exists, and in light of John Scott’s comments about the lack of land it would be nice to know whether you will examine such possibilities.
I will certainly reflect on the issue and I will be interested to find out where the debate on it has got to in the Forestry Commission. Currently, the emphasis is on encouraging productive plantings, but many plantings in Scotland are for mixed, broad-leaved woodlands.
The RSE told us in evidence that farm support should be targeted at
I would much rather wait and see the Pack inquiry’s final proposals before I answer your question about the extent to which we should be directing support towards the most vulnerable areas. I have said, and I am happy to put on the record again, that we have to target support at areas where there are certain disadvantages, therefore we are supporting and have enhanced LFASS. We have given a commitment and we want that kind of direct support for the hills and uplands to continue.
David Barnes talked about a move to an area-based system. Is it still your intention that activity should be a key component of any such system?
The answer to your first question is yes. It is a central objective in terms of the Pack inquiry and our future agricultural policy to support genuine agricultural activity. The historical system will become increasingly untenable because new entrants are locked out of getting direct support if they were not active back when people had to build up their record of receiving support. Ironically, people who are becoming less active will continue to receive support. That is untenable, because we are not rewarding activity, so we are keen to move away from the historical basis at an appropriate pace. Again, that is something on which we hope the Pack inquiry will advise us. We will hear Scotland’s views when we have the final recommendations.
Finally, I would like to ask you whether the benefits that are provided by farming in LFAs—that is, public goods—are adequately measured and monitored. Do we need a better definition of the rationale for the support?
I was about to answer your second question from earlier, but I will link your third question to the second question. The second question was on the criteria for assessing disadvantage. Under our discussions with the EU, which is considering what the LFASS should look like post 2013, we have submitted maps of what less favoured areas in Scotland would look like given the criteria that have been laid down for us. The EU suggested eight biophysical criteria, including temperature, climate and soil quality. I ask Roy McLachlan whether wind chill is one of the biophysical criteria that Europe has considered for measuring disadvantage.
I am sure that the committee heard extensive comments on the matter from Willie Towers earlier. Wind chill is not specifically included in the eight biophysical criteria, although low temperature is included, as is accumulated temperature. Our approach has been to take the eight criteria that Brussels has given us, to see how they would impact on Scotland, and to consider whether they would indeed take into account the exposure that areas get, particularly in the west of Scotland.
Your final question was about how we measure public goods that are delivered in disadvantaged areas. LFASS is based largely on environmental criteria, but the Government and—I think—the agricultural community recognise that there are other public goods in addition to the maintenance of agriculture, such as the maintenance of populations in remote areas. We recognise those public goods. How we measure them is always a good question, and an even more difficult question is how we value them in return for the direct support that we give to producers.
Thank you.
Liam, do you want to continue with questions on LFAs?
I want to pick up the cabinet secretary’s point about farmers being locked out on the basis of historical payments and about that sometimes being attached to limited or no activity. Can you confirm that, under EC regulation 73/2009, it is open to member states to ensure that no direct payments are granted to someone
That article could be part of a solution, but it is not, in itself, a solution to how we stop giving support to those who are inactive. First, we have to define what is activity and what is not before we start withdrawing support from any business or individual. On a more technical point, the regulation that you quote is designed, I guess, to ensure that we do not pay support to businesses that are basically not agricultural businesses. The cases that we are talking about are about people who have land in Scotland, and it might be naked acres or land that they have bought elsewhere in Scotland so that they qualify under the minimum conditions that they are required to meet to receive direct support.
I accept that there are complexities in the detail and how it is applied, but the opportunity certainly exists.
Are you talking about LFASS?
Yes.
We are rebasing LFASS for the next payments. We have been discussing with the industry how to do the rebasing exercise. The idea is to establish a minimum stocking level, and those who do not meet it will be deemed to be less active than before, or inactive.
We have done an awful lot of work with a technical working group of stakeholders that met for the last time last Friday. At that meeting, although there was not full consensus among the organisations on the group, we clarified the views of the membership so that the Government is now in a position to consider those views, look at the results of the complex set of modelling that was done, and we hope take decisions. Changes will have to be approved by the European Commission as a modification to the SRDP, and that process takes a minimum of four to six months. The process will be that the cabinet secretary will take a decision, and a modification will be prepared and submitted to Brussels, with a view to approval by the end of the year and implementation in 2011.
That is helpful. As part of that process, do you envisage continuing the distinctions between standard, fragile and very fragile areas?
Yes, we will distinguish between those three categories. However, one of the motivations for the industry suggesting to us an alternative way of measuring minimum stocking densities and activity was the view that we have already delivered more support to the fragile and very fragile areas, but some hill farmers in the standard areas are perhaps equally deserving of a bit more support or more appropriate support. That will no doubt have an impact on our final decision. I should have clarified that the funding that is saved through our not giving support to those who are inactive will be recycled.
We have spoken about rewarding activity in agricultural production. Is there scope to recouple support to production? Is there any impediment to that because of international trade rules? Do they affect anything?
Are you asking how international trade rules affect what we can couple and decouple?
I am talking about potentially distorting markets if domestic production is favoured.
David Barnes will correct me if I am wrong, because this is a technical subject, but once you have decoupled, it is a lot more difficult to recouple. At the moment we have one scheme left in Scotland, which is the beef calf scheme. We are able to keep it, because we had it before. Once you decouple, you cannot really recouple, because of international trade rules and World Trade Organization agreements. You are right that the European Union is very sensitive towards international agreements, which is why there is no appetite for recoupling.
You said in your opening statement that the Government is acutely aware of the falling levels of livestock, which are back to 1950s and 1960s levels. NFUS has said that the current high prices are acting as a disincentive to continuing in the industry. They are almost a route out—people take the payment and go. How much of a concern is the downward trend to the Scottish Government, given the wider impact that we have heard it has on rural communities, tourism and other related industries?
We are concerned about the steep decline in livestock in some parts of the country—the decline varies in different parts of the country. However, farming is a business and those who are committed to making a success of their business are more likely to be the ones who remain in the sector. Therefore, the farmers who are saying that the prices are so good just now that they want to get out are clearly less committed than the ones who want to stay in, who think, “I’m getting a good price for my product. I’m going to make it even better so I get an even better price in future, and I’m going to make a success of my business.”
I suppose that there is a heightened awareness of quality at the moment. People want to buy good-quality produce, and it is a case of marrying the desire for high-quality local produce with an approach that makes the industry attractive to people.
There are a number of indicators in which we are more involved. For instance, the number of claims for LFASS gives us an indication of how many productive businesses there are in the more remote areas. That number is not declining. We also look at price trends and livestock number trends as health indicators of hill farming in Scotland. We use what land is claimed for to measure land abandonment. If people are not claiming for land, presumably it is not productive. That is really where we take our information from.
Is it your intention to argue for the retention of the beef calf scheme in future negotiations?
There are two or three themes in that. The first is very important, which is the future lifeblood of the industry in Scotland. We are all concerned by the aging profile of farmers, but we do not always get the true picture, because the statistics show the head of the farm, and the people who work the farm are often a bit younger than the people who are the head of it. I do not deny that there is an issue, but it is difficult to get a precise picture of the age profile of active farmers in Scotland.
Will you argue for the retention of the beef calf scheme?
I do not want to pre-empt the Pack inquiry, which is considering the issue. All that we managed to negotiate was the continuation of the scheme for the remainder of the duration of the current common agricultural policy, so it is in place only until 2013. At the time of the negotiations, the mood music from the Commission was that the scheme was unlikely to continue after 2013. However, times change and if there is a good argument for retaining the scheme, we will put it forward.
I thank the witnesses for attending. If anything occurs to you after the meeting that you want to share with the committee, feel free to write to the clerks, to inform our conclusions.
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