The third item on the agenda is consideration of the financial memorandum to the Transport and Works (Scotland) Bill. We agreed to adopt level 2 scrutiny for the bill, which involves taking written evidence from bodies on which costs fall. Today, we will take oral evidence from Executive officials. I welcome to the committee Frazer Henderson, who is the bill team leader, and Emma Sinclair, who is the bill team policy official. Frazer will make a brief opening statement before we ask questions.
I thought that it might be helpful if I clarified two aspects of our proposals. The first relates to the cost of administering the new process. We believe that the savings to the Scottish Parliament and the additional cost to the Scottish Executive of administering the process in effect cancel each other out.
Thank you. Mark Ballard and I have taken on the lead responsibility for considering the bill.
In paragraph 110 of the financial memorandum, the Executive says:
I will pass your question to my colleague, who has been involved in the details about fees. I can answer more general questions on the matter.
As Frazer Henderson said, we have produced draft illustrative secondary legislation. However, we have not yet produced draft secondary legislation on fees, because we realise that a number of factors will influence our consideration of the matter. When the bill has been enacted we will produce draft secondary legislation and put it out to consultation.
The aim is that fees should be proportionate. We are giving careful consideration to whether the same level of fee for an application should apply to private developers, public developers and charitable concerns. We do not want to create a fee system that is bureaucratically all-consuming; the system should be fairly straightforward.
Your points are well made. However, in footnote 24 to the financial memorandum the Executive says:
We are seeking to ensure that the level of fee is such that there is no cost—for want of a better term—to the public purse. It is inappropriate that the public purse should meet the costs of an examination that cost £20,000, for example. Those costs should fall to the promoter.
The current fee of £1,250 does not bear much relationship to the cost to the public purse. In paragraph 110 of the financial memorandum it is proposed that staff costs will not be included in fees. If the proposal is to move to a system in which there is no cost to the public purse, why are staff costs not included in the calculation? I would have thought that they could be the most substantial element of the cost to the public purse of any new application.
In terms of the public purse, that is our opening principle; however, our principle can be modified in the light of the consultation that will take place next year, so that we do not dissuade or affect charitable concerns, such as heritage railways.
I am uncertain of the logic of that position. Either there should be full cost recovery by the public purse—including staff costs—or the current system of a flat-rate fee should be maintained. As you say, the fee is designed to act as a barrier to vexatious applicants but not to be so high as to dissuade genuine applicants. It seems to me that the second option is much more sound than what appears to be quite an arbitrary division, with staff costs not being included and other costs being included in the calculation of the fee.
You have neatly encapsulated some of the questions that we will include in the consultation to help us to decide whether to opt for one position or another.
On a separate issue, paragraph 128 of the policy memorandum states that
At the moment, we have not set aside a provision in the bill under which objectors could be given financial aid. Currently, objectors can get advice on Scots law from qualified solicitors, and civil legal aid is available to objectors in accordance with certain statutory parameters. We could address the matter in secondary legislation; at the moment, the bill does not enable objectors to receive financial aid.
If such a provision were to be made in secondary legislation, would the additional costs of paying for the financial support for objectors be met by promoters as an additional charge on top of the fees or as part of the fees, or would those costs be met by the Scottish Executive's inquiry reporters unit?
We have not yet formed a view on that. I am sorry that that is such a short answer, but it is an honest answer.
We can consider the issue if the secondary legislation comes our way.
Let us move on a wee bit. In 2005, we spoke to the then Minister for Transport, Nicol Stephen, about the need to identify a better mechanism for tracking the costs of projects. You will be aware that projects are authorised on the basis of a budget but that, sometimes, the budget increases or multiplies. The hope was that we could find a mechanism that not only would allow an initial authorisation process for projects, but would ensure that the costs were followed through. There is no proposal to do any of that in the bill. Have you any thoughts about how it might be achieved and about how the Finance Committee, in particular, may be able to wrestle with the costs of projects and changes to those costs over time?
In the coming months, the Scottish transport appraisal guidance will be reviewed. Everyone agrees that it would be better for the cost structures of particular projects to be fairly fixed at the outset, so that there is a higher degree of security than has existed hitherto. One of the driving mechanisms is to look at the economic bases and the financial assessments that STAG takes forward. It is anticipated that the new STAG proposals will be presented next year. I expect that both the Local Government and Transport Committee and the Finance Committee will subject the new STAG approach to scrutiny.
I will make two points in response to what you have said. First, the present mechanism for putting projects into play does not seem to have been very good at identifying adequately at an early stage what the actual costs are likely to be—the costs are rough estimates. Secondly, one occasionally finds part way through the process that a project has been altered—the best example being perhaps the new Aberdeen ring road, the line of which has been changed at significant additional cost. Under the arrangement that is proposed, the authorisation could be changed by ministers without reference to Parliament and without proper control of costs.
That is not included in the processes that are set out in the bill, but we believe that there are existing mechanisms for addressing the issue. The Scottish Executive is the predominant funder of most public transport. We hope that cost overruns will not happen, but if they do, the minister is accountable for them to Parliament at all times. Budget revision, budget scrutiny and the infrastructure plan provide mechanisms for accountability.
I would like to pick the Aberdeen ring road as an example. That project's budget very nearly doubled and then an arrangement was made to find a different route, which further increased costs. I am not aware that that budget went through a parliamentary process at any point. Announcements were made about increasing costs and about changes to the route, but there was no formal process of parliamentary scrutiny.
I cannot comment on that because I do not know the detail of the roads projects. However, in our mechanism for delivering rail projects in the future, a rail project will at the very outset form part of the national planning framework, so there will be an opportunity for Parliament to pass comment. Prior to that, the national planning framework will result from the strategic projects review and the infrastructure implementation plan, both of which can also be subject to scrutiny by committees, so there will be an opportunity to scrutinise individual projects that come forward to the NPF.
I refer you to paragraph 177 of the policy memorandum, which states that "Proposals for a New Approach to Delivering Public Transport Infrastructure Developments" solicited views on whether there should be a mechanism to
We have said that the mechanism should be for parliamentary scrutiny. Let us use the Aberdeen western peripheral route as an example. That project would feature in the national planning framework and is therefore a development of national significance. All transport developments that are of national significance will, once the minister has made the order, be subject to the affirmative procedure. They will be discussed at the NPF stage and also at the end of the process. We have achieved a degree of conformity by bringing roads and major harbour developments into that process so that they will now be treated in the same way as rail, tramway and canal and other inland waterway developments. We have some conformity in that, but we have not disassembled the roads legislation, which has been designed to address the complexity of roads. We have left that as it is, but the end result is that all national transport developments will be treated in a like manner.
Will they continue to be treated as individual projects, or will there be a mechanism through the bill, or through the guidance or procedures that will be attached to the implementation of the bill, that will allow us to ensure that individual projects fit into a priority process and that there are appropriate financial controls? In a sense, that is a different issue. The current private bills procedure allows planning considerations to be dealt with carefully and conscientiously—to too great an extent, some would argue—for individual proposals. To some extent, the Transport and Works (Scotland) Bill will simplify that process.
I hope to answer that.
Let me cap that off by suggesting that the committee perhaps needs to seek additional guidance or thoughts from the Executive about how those different preliminary steps should be scrutinised so that we can see how they fit in with the authorisation process. For some time now, the committee has recorded its concern about the fact that projects with cash attached to them suddenly appear that have not gone through a clear process in which Parliament could engage, but which instead seem simply to spring out of ministerial announcements. If the authorisation process is to be backed up with a policy process, we need to consider how scrutiny can be linked in with that policy process.
I will be delighted to draft a note to address that point. A similar concern was raised by the Procedures Committee, which wanted to see how the process under the bill will fit in with the SPR and NPF and the considerations that are attached to that. On the NPF, I point out that, as the Planning etc (Scotland) Bill is currently going through Parliament, we will not know what consideration will finally be attached to the NPF until after stage 3 of that bill.
I look forward to receiving that note. I want to follow on from, and amplify, the point that Des McNulty made. I understand that the NPF—which, I accept, is still being debated by the Communities Committee—will not necessarily contain a financial component. If that is the case and if a project's first stage is to be the NPF, we might have less financial scrutiny of such projects than we have of projects that go through the private bills procedure, in which value for money and business cases are, we know, some of the most hotly fought-over issues at the first stage.
As I mentioned, the infrastructure investment plan, which will set out the Executive's funding for projects, is one of the key inputs to the national planning framework. There can be such input only when individual projects have gone through their STAG appraisal and the SPR. There are ample opportunities for scrutinising individual projects and all projects in the round in the SPR and the infrastructure implementation plan. Projects then feed into the NPF, which is clearly a spatial plan that articulates which projects will go forward. However, as I mentioned, the financial regime that sits behind those projects can also be subject to scrutiny through the SPR and STAG.
I want to ask about the bill's ambit. The bill is essentially a transport bill, as it focuses principally on transport or transport-linked works. Is there a reason why other linked infrastructure projects cannot be dealt with under the same procedure or a parallel procedure? In particular, I am thinking about significant water and sewerage activities, which are often part of road projects. By excluding the connected aspects of such projects from the bill's scope, will two procedures have to run, rather than its being possible to run projects through a single incorporated procedure? Does that make sense?
Yes. I suppose that what you have said takes us back to the genesis of the bill. We considered changing the private bills process and giving order-making powers relating to railways, trams and canals to Scottish ministers. Scottish ministers already have order-making powers relating to roads and harbours, but other matters go through planning legislation. Under section 1 of the bill, an order can be made relating to matters that are connected with rail developments. We were thinking about enabling access roads to link to railways and the provision of interchange facilities, for example. Basically, those are transport-related matters. We have not gone further on things such as sewerage, which you mentioned: we think that they can be adequately addressed in the existing planning regime.
Many people in Scotland would disagree with you about that.
I take on board your comments. We have worked closely with planning colleagues on the bill. When we embarked on that work, an issue arose about why the Planning etc (Scotland) Bill and the Transport and Works (Scotland) Bill are not somehow linked. However, the Planning etc (Scotland) Bill was much further advanced by that stage. We were asked to produce a proposal on a transport and works bill last year; the proposals on planning have had a much longer gestation period.
We have no further questions, so I thank the witnesses for attending the meeting and answering our questions. We will discuss our draft report on the financial memorandum on 26 September and—I hope—publish our report shortly after that.