Meeting of the Parliament

Meeting date: Thursday, November 23, 2017

Official Report 924KB pdf

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Day of the Imprisoned Writer

The next item of business is a members’ business debate on motion S5M-07970, in the name of Ivan McKee, on the day of the imprisoned writer. The debate will be concluded without any question being put.

Motion moved,

That the Parliament acknowledges that, each year, 15 November marks the Day of the Imprisoned Writer, which commemorates writers around the world who have been imprisoned, threatened or attacked for exercising their right to freedom of expression, and takes action on their behalf; notes with grave concern what it sees as the decline worldwide in free expression, as documented by organisations such as Reporters Without Borders, Amnesty International, PEN International, Committee to Protect Journalists and Human Rights Watch; acknowledges the importance of defending and supporting free expression for every person in Scotland and of protecting persons persecuted around the world, by state and non-state actors, for exercising their right to free speech; notes the view that governmental, intergovernmental and civil society partners at home and abroad should work together to secure protections for writers and others who are persecuted for exercising their right to freedom of expression, and further notes calls for the day to be officially recognised every year by the Parliament.

12:49  

I am delighted to be able to hold this debate today to commemorate the day of the imprisoned writer, which falls annually on 15 November. I am grateful to Scottish PEN and Amnesty International for their support in organising the debate, and welcome the members of both organisations who are present in the gallery.

Around the world, writers find themselves imprisoned or worse for doing no more than putting pen to paper. That so many are persecuted for that simple act in the 21st century is something that should concern us all.

Last week, I attended and spoke briefly at the evening reception in the Parliament that was organised by Michael Russell MSP, PEN and Amnesty. Works by writers from countries around the world were read out. The works and the stories that lay behind them were harrowing yet inspirational, painful and powerful, and were a reminder of the power of words to move us. Some of those who read the works on behalf of imprisoned writers who could not be there had direct experience of the inside of prison cells.

Many speakers in the debate will highlight the story of particular writers who are imprisoned somewhere in the world. The diversity of geography, language, culture and beliefs that will be represented today indicates not only the worrying scale of the problem and the commonality of the suffering that lies behind those tales, but the universality of the human spirit, which drives writers to continue to put pen to paper and speak truth to power, despite the magnitude of the consequences that may ensue.

The 2017 world press freedom index compiled by Reporters Without Borders noted a significant decline in press freedom, as

“the situation has worsened in nearly two thirds ... of the 180 countries in the Index.”

In 2016, according to Reporters Without Borders, 74 journalists were killed worldwide in the course of their duties, while 348 were imprisoned. Since January this year, 38 journalists, four citizen journalists and eight media assistants have been killed, and 183 journalists, 170 citizen journalists and 13 media assistants imprisoned. In addition, according to Deutsche Welle, in 2015, 1,054 authors were attacked, imprisoned, tortured or killed.

What can we hope to achieve by holding this debate? At one level, nothing will change. We will leave the chamber in a little under an hour and go our separate ways. Some words will have been spoken and that is all. However, at another level, much will have changed. Words, as the imprisoned writers we remember today know well, have the power to do everything: to motivate and inspire, and to reverberate and echo. It is that most basic of human characteristics: to use words to communicate and, through words, to create change. The words that we speak today will be written and recorded, to be read and viewed by many in the days and weeks to come. They will extend like a ripple in a pond, influencing behaviour and making the simple yet powerful statement that words matter.

The day of the imprisoned writer has been held by PEN International since 1981. It is marked by the promotion of literary culture, the celebration of the freedom to write and action taken to call for justice and freedom for imprisoned and murdered colleagues. The intention of the day is to increase public awareness of persecuted writers in general and to draw attention to specific cases of individual writers and their circumstances. The general public is encouraged to take part, in the form of donations and letters of appeal on behalf of the selected writers

We hope that the Scottish Parliament will recognise the day of the imprisoned writer as a focus for the campaign to free those whom we remember today. We hope that the day will inspire many to take part in other activities, including Amnesty’s letter-writing campaigns and the work of PEN, through its writers at risk committee. We hope that the day will give hope to those imprisoned for their beliefs that their plight is known and understood in places distant, and that it will give notice to their jailers.

Thirty-seven-year-old Ashraf Fayadh is an artist and poet of Palestinian origin. He is the son of refugees from Khan Yunis in the Gaza strip and, although he lives in Saudi Arabia, he does not have Saudi citizenship. He has been active in the art scene in Saudi Arabia and has organised and curated exhibitions of Saudi art in Europe and Saudi Arabia. He was active in the British-Arabian arts organisation, Edge of Arabia.

In 2013, after an argument with a fellow artist at a soccer game, Fayadh was detained by Saudi Arabia’s religious police, released on bail, then rearrested and tried in early 2014. He was sentenced to four years in prison and 800 lashes. On appeal, a Saudi appeals court returned the case to the lower court, where a new judge was assigned to the case. In November 2015, Fayadh was sentenced to death by beheading, for apostasy. Used as evidence against him were several poems from his book “Instructions Within”, Twitter posts, and conversations that he had had in a coffee shop. Prior to the death sentence ruling, Fayadh was accused of having promoted atheism in “Instructions Within”, which was published in 2008.

Fayadh was also convicted of having images of women on his mobile phone. He did, but there was nothing salacious in the photos—they were fellow artists who were appearing at the Jeddah art fair.

That led to an international outcry and organised protest: 128 readings of Fayadh’s poetry took place worldwide, in 47 countries; three of those events were held in Scotland. The sentence was commuted in February 2016, apparently because of the international protest. However, the poet still faces a sentence of eight years in prison and 800 lashes. Fayadh must also repent through an announcement in official media.

Fayadh’s supporters believe that he is being punished by hardliners for posting a video online showing a man being lashed in public by the religious police. Adam Coogle, a middle east researcher for Human Rights Watch, said Fayadh’s death sentence showed Saudi Arabia’s

“complete intolerance of anyone who may not share government-mandated religious, political and social views”.

Ashraf’s father had a stroke when he learned that his son was to be beheaded. He died a few months ago, before the sentence was commuted. Ashraf was not allowed to attend his funeral.

I will read an extract from Ashraf Fayadh’s “Disputed” poems from “Instructions Within”, translated by Mona Kareen:

“your mute blood will not speak up
As long as you pride yourself in death
As long as you keep announcing—secretly—that you have put your soul
At the hands of those who do not know much.”

For Ashraf Fayadh, for all the other writers we will remember today, for all of the other thousands who are imprisoned or at risk of being imprisoned around the world, and for the right of all to put pen to paper, we are proud to stand in solidarity with those around the world who have been persecuted for expressing themselves. We commemorate the day of the imprisoned writer and work to raise awareness of their plight and secure their release.

12:56  

I thank Ivan McKee for bringing this important debate to Parliament. Free and open speech is a necessity of democracy, and all should be able to express their views to encourage further debate. Of course, some debates are unpleasant, but it is my belief that even the most unpleasant debates with the most unpleasant people must be had. Without debate, views that we deem repugnant, repulsive and regressive go unchallenged. However, those views must be challenged. Indeed, they are the most crucial views to hear, so that we can challenge them. That is the fundamental importance of free speech and why it is important to have the debate. In the UK and in Scotland, we live in a democracy and all of us here are well aware of the importance of debate—from all sides.

In recent weeks, it has become clear that there are those who have attempted to interfere with debate. That is an attempt to seek to fracture our society and challenge our democracy, and it is not right. We cannot allow others to dilute debate or undermine arguments on both sides and sow discord within the foundations of our political system.

Likewise, we cannot imprison writers who add strength to that debate. Those people do not seek to fracture and destroy; they seek to encourage and challenge.

Orhan Pamuk, a Turkish Nobel prize-winning writer, was threatened with imprisonment when he said:

“one million Armenians and 30,000 Kurds were killed in these lands and no one but me dares talk about it.”

Pamuk was referring to the Armenian genocide. He should talk about that event—we all should talk about it; it is important to explore history and learn from the past. However, Pamuk is a writer who was not imprisoned. His trial was dropped after international pressure, although he was eventually fined and asked to apologise for his remarks.

The same is not true for other writers. At least 81 journalists are imprisoned in Turkey and, for some time, Turkey has had the most journalists in prison of any country in the world. The failed coup last July resulted in a crackdown on officials and journalists alike, jailed on the ground that they are believed to be Government antagonists.

The situation in Turkey is precarious to say the least. No journalist—or anyone else—should be imprisoned unjustly. At the end of October 2017, 48 journalists were put on trial, in three different trials.

Earlier this year, a Turkish court sentenced The Wall Street Journal reporter Ayla Albayrak to two years and one month in prison, declaring her guilty of engaging in terrorist propaganda in support of the Kurdistan Worker’s Party or PKK, through one of her Wall Street Journal articles. However, the original article did not include any praise for the group; rather, it provided a balanced and objective view of urban warfare that at the time gripped areas of Turkey’s predominantly Kurdish south-east. Instead of being arrested, the authors of such journalism should be encouraged.

Another example of an unjust arrest is the arrest of the 17 employees of the Cumhuriyet—a Turkish newspaper—who were accused of being accomplices to terrorism. Reporters Without Borders argues that the employees were put on trial because the paper is critical of the Turkish Government. Huge questions hang over those arrests, and it is a deep concern that such examples are becoming ever more common in Turkey.

Freedom of speech is central to healthy democracies. It is highly concerning that the number of cases of imprisoned journalists is ever growing. Debate is a good and healthy thing, and it should certainly be encouraged everywhere in the world. I thank Amnesty International and PEN International for their highlighting of injustices.

13:00  

I thank my colleague Ivan McKee for bringing an issue of such significance to the chamber. As we commemorate the day of the imprisoned writer, I am pleased to contribute to a debate on an issue of such fundamental importance: the right to freedom of expression.

This is a time to reflect on how fortunate we are to live in a society in which freedom is respected, cherished and defended by all parties and by each of our Parliaments. It is also a time to remember that we should never take for granted the fundamental right to freedom of expression, and that we must always be vigilant for attempts to dilute it.

Most important is that the day of the imprisoned writer is a time to reflect on the situation of those who do not yet have even that most basic human right of freedom of expression, those who are still struggling and fighting for it and those who are suffering unjust imprisonment, persecution and violence for the simple of act of expressing their thoughts in writing.

I join colleagues in expressing my thanks to organisations including Reporters Without Borders, Amnesty International, PEN International, the Committee to Protect Journalists and Human Rights Watch, which work tirelessly all year round to highlight the plight of imprisoned and persecuted writers, and to campaign for a world where everyone has the fundamental right to freedom of expression.

As we have heard, each year PEN highlights the cases of five persecuted writers that are emblematic of the persecution and threats that are faced by writers and journalists across the world. One of this year’s cases is the Kurdish poet and artist Zehra Dogan, who is currently imprisoned in Turkey. As co-convener of the cross-party group on Kurdistan, and as someone who has a long-standing interest in Kurdistan, I would like to use my time to highlight her story and—I hope—to inspire more people to take action to help her. According to the Committee to Protect Journalists, Turkey has earned an accolade that holds no glory—it is the biggest jailer of journalists in the world. Zehra Dogan is one of them.

Zehra is in prison primarily because of a painting that she made and a news report that she wrote. The painting that is at issue is her recreation of a photograph that was taken by the Turkish military of the Kurdish town of Nusaybin, following its destruction by Turkish forces that were fighting the PKK. For the Turkish army, it was a victorious photograph of its suppression of the town, showing destroyed buildings draped with Turkish flags and surrounded by tanks. For Zehra and the residents of the town, by contrast, it was a picture of suffering and displacement. To reflect that, Zehra adapted the photograph by painting the army tanks as huge grotesque creatures consuming innocent civilians. Although the Turkish flags were present in the original photograph, Zehra was found guilty of painting the Turkish flags on the destroyed buildings, and the painting was condemned as anti-Turkish propaganda.

I will quote Zehra. She said:

“They gave me a prison penalty for taking the photo of destroyed houses and putting Turkish flags on them. But it wasn’t me who did it, it was them. I just painted it.”

The second reason for Zehra’s imprisonment—a news report that she wrote—featured a quotation from a child who had been affected by the clashes in the town. The child said:

“We are hearing gunfire right now. When the shots intensify we run to our homes. When the tanks go away we take to the street to protest. I think we are right. I know our voices will be heard one day.”

Zehra’s reporting of those five sentences was also deemed to be terrorist propaganda. Zehra was first sent to prison in July 2016 and was released in December the same year. In June this year, she was arrested again, and is in prison as we speak.

The actions of the Turkish authorities are condemnable and disgraceful. Zehra is an inspirational and highly skilled painter and journalist—not a criminal—and I add my voice to the global calls for her immediate and unconditional release.

It is one thing to talk, but another to take action. I hope that I can persuade every member to take action and, perhaps, to do what I did earlier this week, and write to the Turkish Prime Minister and Minister of Justice to press for Zehra’s immediate and unconditional release. Their addresses can be found on the PEN website. Members can also send a short postcard to Zehra personally. The prison only accepts letters in Turkish but, fortunately, PEN has provided a model letter that can be copied. Translated, the letter reads, simply and powerfully:

“Zehra you are not alone. We are proud of your work and celebrate your courage. Your voice is heard around the world and we will keep advocating for your freedom.”

In that spirit, let us commit to using our own precious freedom of expression to support those who are still fighting for theirs.

13:06  

I begin by declaring an interest as a member of Amnesty International. As other members have done, I thank the various organisations that have provided briefings and information, and that continue to campaign on the issue. PEN has organised an important campaign. It is important because the matter is, fundamentally, about democracy. Democracy is precious and important, but it is also fragile and needs to be looked after. It is not just about voting and casting ballots—it requires the rule of law, freedom of association and, perhaps most important, freedom of speech and expression. That freedom is something that we take for granted daily in Parliament, but people in many parts of the world do not have it and find themselves imprisoned and persecuted because of that.

Press freedom is a crucial element of free speech because it is through the press that we hold a mirror up to and challenge power and authority, in order to highlight its mistakes and, indeed, its injustices.

As Ivan McKee said in his opening remarks, today is a day for highlighting the stories of those who have suffered because of repression, so I would like to highlight the story of Oleg Sentsov, a Ukrainian filmmaker who is imprisoned in Russia. He was arrested on 10 May 2014 and subjected to a brutal three-hour ordeal involving beating, suffocation and threatened sexual assault, which is unimaginable to most of us.

Oleg was charged with the establishment of a terrorist group, politically motivated arson and conspiring to blow up a statue of Lenin, which was a charge that I had to re-read: this happened in 2014 in 21st century Russia, not in soviet Russia. Oleg was sentenced to 20 years in prison and was refused extradition because Russia claimed that he had become a Russian citizen following the annexation of Crimea. Key prosecution witnesses retracted their statements and said that they had been extracted under torture. Oleg was added to a list of terrorists, according to PEN, because of his opposition to Russia’s annexation of Crimea.

The reality of Putin’s Russia is that journalists are imprisoned or killed. Two journalists have been killed this year. Nikolai Andrushchenko, co-founder of Novy Petersburg and a reporter on corruption and human rights abuses, was beaten and died from his injuries in April, and Dmitry Popkov, co-founder and chief editor of Ton-M in Minusinsk, which reported on corruption, was found dead in May. A total of 25 journalists have lost their lives since Putin came to power. As other members have rightly pointed out, the Committee to Protect Journalists says that the number of journalists who are being imprisoned is at a 30-year high, primarily because of what is happening in Turkey. The people on whose behalf we are speaking provide the context to this debate.

We also need to reflect on the actions of the Russian state, because those actions are not confined within its borders. Russia is actively seeking to undermine democracy in other parts of the world: it is engaged in active propaganda, whether through Twitter factories or its official outlet in this country, RT—formerly Russia Today—which has been condemned on several occasions by Ofcom. Let us think twice about legitimising that outlet. We should refuse to appear on RT and we should certainly not take its money because we must stand up for press freedom. We cannot legitimise the actions of the Russian state.

13:09  

I declare an interest as a writer and as a member of Scottish PEN. I thank Ivan McKee for bringing the debate to the chamber.

As members know, PEN International’s day of the imprisoned writer started in 1981 to highlight the situation of journalists who were being persecuted for pursuing the craft. The written word speaks to the human story in all its complexity, from personal inner thoughts to historiography, and from politics through to investigative journalism and activism. As we have heard, writers are a particular target for oppressive regimes and powerful interests because, especially in the modern era, the written word can be spread far and wide. Words are powerful tools in the hands of anyone, which is why the authorities in oppressive regimes frequently attempt to silence writers who write freely or who criticise their regimes.

So it was with Anna Politkovskaya. She was born in New York in 1958 to Ukrainian parents who were United Nations diplomats. In 1982, she started her journalistic career at Izvestia, a Russian broadsheet newspaper, as the editor of the accident and emergency section. From 1994 to 1999, she worked as assistant chief editor at Obshchaya Gazeta, for which she frequently wrote about social problems, including problems facing refugees. From 1999 to 2006, Anna wrote columns for the biweekly Novaya Gazeta, where by her own admission she became obsessed with exposing the killings, torture and beatings of civilians by Russian soldiers in Chechnya. At that time, she wrote in an essay that editors at the newspaper would

“receive every day, in our editorial office, visitors who have nowhere else to bring their troubles, because the Kremlin finds their stories off-message, so that the only place they can be aired is in our newspaper”.

As a consequence of her work, she was highly critical of Vladimir Putin. She won numerous awards, but as she gained prominence abroad, she was increasingly marginalised at home. Despite being a US citizen and holding a US passport, she spent no more than a few weeks outside Russia, as an adult. Her life was threatened on multiple occasions then, on 7 October 2006, she was murdered in the lift to her Moscow flat, having been shot four times at point-blank range. After trials in 2008, 2012 and 2014, five men were convicted of Anna’s murder, but those who ordered it have never been brought to justice and it is likely that they never will.

In her own words, Anna said:

“I am a pariah. ... You don’t get used to this, but you learn to live with it ... Some time ago, Vladislav Surkov, Putin’s deputy chief of staff, explained there were ... incorrigible enemies who simply needed to be ‘cleansed’ from the political arena. So, they are trying to cleanse it of me and others like me.”

She has said that Chechen leader Ramzan Kadyrov

“has publicly vowed to murder me. He said during a meeting of his government that he had had enough and that Politkovskaya was a condemned woman. I was told about it by members of the government ... Why has Ramzan vowed to kill me? I once interviewed him, and printed the interview just as he gave it, complete with all his characteristic moronic stupidity, ignorance and satanic inclinations. Ramzan was sure I would completely rewrite the interview, and present him as intelligent and honourable. That is, after all, how the majority of journalists behave now, those who are ‘on our side’”.

I welcome this opportunity to put on the official record of the Scottish Parliament the testimony of one among the far too many writers across the world who have been imprisoned for their beliefs. As members know, under section 41 of the Scotland Act 1998, we enjoy absolute privilege in relation to the law of defamation. That is an important liberty for parliamentarians to enjoy. All writers should be able to speak openly and freely without fear of persecution. I agree with Ivan McKee’s suggestion that Parliament should consider recognising every year the day of the imprisoned writer.

13:13  

I thank my friend and colleague Ivan McKee for bringing this important debate to the chamber. The list of writers who we know have been imprisoned in order to silence them is distressing. Freedom of speech is a human right, and, on the day of the imprisoned writer, we draw attention to those who need us to be their voices. I commend my colleagues for telling the stories of those who cannot speak for themselves, and I apologise for departing from doing that ever so slightly, because I will talk about someone who was imprisoned and who is now free. I will do that because the issue is very close to home and shows that, even in the European Union, writers’ voices can be silenced for political reasons, so we must always be vigilant and condemn that where it happens.

At the time of his arrest, in February 2003, Martxelo Otamendi was a reporter on the Basque-language newspaper Egunkaria, which at the time was the only daily newspaper that was published entirely in the Basque language. Egunkaria had a strong anti-ETA editorial stance, but the Spanish authorities falsely claimed that the paper was financed by ETA and that its editorial stance was a smokescreen.

After the paper published a feature that included interviews with members of ETA—among others—the authorities used that as a reason to close the paper down, and the journalists were placed in custody. Under Spanish anti-terrorist legislation, prisoners may be held in custody for up to five days without having to be told why. Otamendi and nine other members of the Egunkaria team were held on those terms.

I met Martxelo Otamendi about two years ago, when I was visiting the Basque country on a speaking tour—he is now the managing editor of Berria, a Basque language newspaper. Otamendi told me that, when he was in prison, he was prevented from speaking or sleeping. He could not see his surroundings because the guards covered his head and face. He was threatened with sexual abuse, and on one occasion a pistol was held against his head and he was forced to perform a sexual act.

Following a visit from a forensic specialist to check his condition after a period of torture, he was told by the Guardia Civil that, if he told the truth about the torture, he would be killed. He was also pressured into giving a false confession. The Guardia Civil had told him that members of ETA who were being detained had confessed that Egunkaria was financed by them and that he would have no choice but to confess, but none of that was true.

Basque detainees are often taken directly to Madrid when they are arrested. The reason for doing that is, first, that it prevents them from being tried by sympathetic Basque judges, and, secondly, that it ensures that detainees’ complaints about their treatment are lodged in Madrid, where they are unlikely to win. The Spanish judge who was allocated to Otamendi’s case did not believe that he had been tortured and closed his case without calling him to testify.

Of the 10 people who were arrested, five members of the Egunkaria editorial board were indicted on charges of being ETA members and were released on bail to await trial. They would need to wait seven years for that trial—enough time to kill the newspaper, which could not be restarted under their bail conditions.

In 2010, the final and unanimous court verdict stated that there were no grounds to have the newspaper closed. The court noted that the newspaper’s closure was “interference with press freedom”. The judge declared:

“the allegations have not proven that the defendants have the slightest relation with ETA, and this determines in itself the acquittal with all pronouncements favorable to the defendants.”

No one has accepted responsibility for shutting down the newspaper without justification, and those who were tortured, including Martxelo Otamendi, have never had justice for those crimes.

That happened in the EU, only a few years ago. The abuse of human rights and the silencing of journalists is not just something that happens in totalitarian regimes; it happens uncomfortably close to home, in elected democracies. We must always be vigilant that it does not happen on our watch.

13:18  

A challenge in a debate like this is that members will have already spoken about cases that one might have raised. I will not repeat the striking experiences of writers that other members have described this afternoon; I will just say that I am with Ruth Maguire in believing that the issue is what we can do about such circumstances. I have a couple of suggestions for the cabinet secretary in that regard.

We meet delegations in the Scottish Parliament, we regularly see ambassadors in the VIP gallery in the chamber, parliamentarians frequently go on cross-party visits, and members of the consular corps are regular attendees at parliamentary events—indeed, many are good friends of members across all the political parties. However, I do not think that we systematically look at the kind of issue that Ivan McKee has rightly raised and ask what cross-party work we could do on behalf of an individual, writer or journalist who is being held in prison—or worse—in another part of the world, so that co-ordinated work can be done by our Government and our Parliament in a way that could make a difference.

I am with Ivan McKee on his suggestion that we should have an annual event or debate on the day of the imprisoned writer. However, more than that, I would like us to take up cases on a cross-party basis and see what we can do about them practically.

I cannot be the only member—in fact, I think Daniel Johnson mentioned it—who had the Amnesty International magazine sitting around my home from a young age and who was encouraged during modern studies classes to write letters—which they were in those days—to one oppressive regime after another on behalf of a journalist or someone else who was being held in the most abject circumstances imaginable. We cannot imagine such circumstances. We can watch whatever movies we like, but it is not really possible to understand the psychology of imprisonment, torture and what can be done to individuals unless we talk to someone who has been through it.

This is an important debate. As other members have said, Scottish PEN, Amnesty International and the other organisations that have rightly been praised today for their work should be praised again and again. However, we should reflect on one other aspect to this kind of debate. There is much good in this country. Across the regions and nations of the United Kingdom, we share some fundamental values no matter where we come from in this group of places that we all inhabit. So, when the UK loses the judge that we have had for a long time on the International Court of Justice and thereby loses standing in the world, we should be deeply concerned for our long-term future. It does not matter where we stand on the constitutional issue or all the rest of it; the principle of the UK and its constituent nations and regions playing an important role because of the values that we hold dear is important. To brush that off, as some have done in other places in recent days, is a great failure of our diplomacy around the world. I am sure that it has lots of faults but it also has lots of positive aspects.

Scottish PEN and Amnesty International, and champions on their behalf such as Ivan McKee, are to be congratulated for making this kind of debate happen. I am now going to follow what I will call the Maguire doctrine, which is that we need to do an awful lot more than just talk about it.

A number of speakers still want to speak in the debate. I am therefore—[Interruption.] Excuse me—I will start again. I am feeling quite emotional because of the debate.

Due to the number of members who wish to speak in the debate, I am minded to accept a motion without notice, under rule 8.14.3, to extend the debate by up to 30 minutes.

Motion moved,

That, under Rule 8.14.3, the debate be extended by up to 30 minutes.—[Ivan McKee]

Motion agreed to.

Thank you. I would have dared you to do otherwise.

13:22  

I thank Ivan McKee for the chance to take part in this important debate, which gives me the opportunity to mention some of the great poets, playwrights, essayists and novelists that Scotland has to offer.

In poetry, we have some of the greats, and Robert Burns was something of a rebel himself. Nearer to home, we have Carol Ann Duffy, the first female poet laureate, and we should never forget some of our great Doric poets such as Flora Garry, John M Caie and J C Milne, who are some of my favourites.

The modern author Ali Smith uses her voice to express lesbian, bisexual, gay and transgender issues, rejecting gender stereotypes and exploring modern ideas of relationships in her novel “How to Be Both”. Denise Mina has tackled topics such as mental health, abuse and addiction in her crime novels.

It is vital that our authors continue to represent those ideas in popular culture and continue to push boundaries. I acknowledge that worldwide recognition of those writers is down not only to our great pool of talent but to the fact that here, in the UK, such artists have the freedom to express their ideas and have them heard, discussed and appreciated. Elsewhere in the world, some writers are not afforded that opportunity.

PEN International is an association that represents writers, journalists and poets, promotes literature and defends freedom of expression. Each year, a variety of cases are brought to light by PEN to recognise and support writers who have resisted the repression of their most basic human right—the freedom of expression.

From 2006 to 2017, the day of the imprisoned writer has recognised and paid tribute to more than 50 writers who are in prison or who have lost their lives for their work. While I was reading those cases, the one that stood out in particular for its severity was that of Susana Chávez Castillo. Susana Chávez was a prominent poet and women’s rights advocate in her home town of Ciudad Juárez and had received recognition and accolades throughout Mexico for her work. The phenomenon of female homicides in Ciudad Juárez had resulted in an estimated 370 women being killed between 1993 and 2007, but very few suspects for the killings were arrested or imprisoned due to suspected gang involvement.

Susana Chávez stood up against that injustice. She was an active member of numerous organisations that supported women and the families and friends of those who had been murdered. In 2002, a social justice movement formed. It was called “Ni una más”, from a slogan that Chávez is known to have coined and popularized, which began to be used at protests around Chávez’s home town. In full, the slogan is “Ni una muerta más”, which means “Not one more death”.

Chávez was known for being highly vocal in her fight for justice for women, and she often read her poetry, which was dedicated to the murdered women, at demonstrations. On 6 January 2011, Susana Chávez left her home to meet some of her friends at a local bar. She never made it to her friends and she never made it home. She was found the following day, strangled, with a plastic bag over her head and one of her hands cut off with a saw. That abhorrent murder was followed by the murder of four more women writers in 2011.

That is just one of the many cases that PEN International has recognised. Its brutality is shocking, but it is vital in bringing to light the importance of freedom of speech and the injustice that exists in other parts of the world. I acknowledge the work that PEN carries out in supporting those who face unjust imprisonment, attacks, harassment and violence simply for using free expression in their work.

13:27  

Deputy Presiding Officer, I take the opportunity to thank you for the work that you have carried out on human rights issues. I know that those issues are close to your heart, and I sincerely thank you for your work. I also thank Ivan McKee for securing the debate.

This is an important debate and it has been fantastic to hear about all the different people members have mentioned. Tavish Scott talked about us being in a privileged position, particularly as members of the Commonwealth Parliamentary Association, in which we get an opportunity to speak to people from particular countries. We should use that opportunity to push the right to freedom of expression with the people we meet and with the Government, too.

If I have time, I want to touch on two cases that deserve to be heard in the Parliament. One is that of Raif Badawi from Saudi Arabia, whose family I have met, and the other is that of Dareen Tatour from Palestine. Both have been imprisoned and persecuted for expressing themselves.

Raif’s story is pretty well known. He was sentenced to 10 years in prison and to 1,000 lashes for setting up a website that championed free speech. His blog, the Saudi free liberals forum, was shut down in 2012. Raif has already served half his prison term but, even after he is released, he still faces a further 10 years of being separated from his wife and three children—who I met here in Edinburgh and in Glasgow—due to a travel ban that has been imposed by the Saudi Arabian Government.

When I met Raif Badawi’s wife, Ensaf, I was inspired by her dignity and determination. In a letter that she wrote, which can be found on the Raif Badawi Foundation for Freedom website, she says:

“I am writing this letter today to express how thankful we are my family and I for your continuous support to Raif’s cause.

Unfortunately, Raif is not the only journalist in the world facing a punishment and Saudi Arabia is not the only country in the world where freedom of expression is not implemented. Many countries have yet to implement the liberty of expression, thought, belief and opinion.

My husband indeed dared to talk and is, as you may know, facing 1000 lashes, 5 more years in prison, and 10 years before leaving the country.

I am here today to tell you that the foundation and I will keep on pursuing Raif’s dream which is to see a world where liberty of expression is not a privilege but a given right.”

As I have said, the lady has such dignity and determination, and I wish the foundation and its supporters all the best.

I also want to highlight the case of Dareen Tatour who, prior to her arrest at the age of 33, was a little-known poet and photographer living on the outskirts of Nazareth. She herself admits that the works that she posted online were rarely viewed more than 20 or 30 times but, on 11 October 2015, she was arrested at her home and charged with supporting a terrorist organisation and several counts of incitement to violence. She had posted on YouTube a video in which she recited her poem “Resist, My People, Resist Them”, with music and against a backdrop of images of Palestinian resistance: men throwing stones at the Israeli army. Dareen spent several months in prison and, at the moment, she is under house arrest and subject to a curfew. She is able to go out, but she still cannot use the internet.

The two cases are very different, but both are about people pushing for freedom of expression and wanting the world to know what is happening. I thank all the organisations that have given us the opportunity to have this debate and which continue to fight for freedom of expression throughout the world.

13:31  

Like other colleagues, I thank Ivan McKee for bringing the day of the imprisoned writer to Parliament.

It seems almost fashionable today to bash the media as a monolithic, corrupt and deceitful force and to see journalists as opponents of whichever cause one is aligned with. However, that is an irresponsible trend that we as elected representatives have a role in standing against. It is not good enough for us simply to resist falling into that trap ourselves; we must actively speak out against it, particularly when it takes hold in movements of which we as MSPs are leading members. Scepticism, particularly of corporate media, is healthy and legitimate, and many journalists pursue political agendas, as they have a right to. However, journalism remains one of the most important—and most dangerous—jobs on earth. Journalists speak truth to power and hold it to account.

Of course, not every writer is a journalist but, as co-convener of the cross-party group on Kurdistan, I want, like Ruth Maguire, to highlight the oppression of journalists, particularly Kurdish and politically progressive journalists, in Turkey. I absolutely agree with Ms Maguire that, on this issue, our actions count more than our words. Having spent a considerable amount of time with the Turkish consul and having written to him a number of times to advocate on behalf of imprisoned opposition activists in Turkey, including a friend of mine, I can state strongly to members that that level of activity counts. These Governments notice when we stand up on behalf of those whom they are oppressing.

In recent years, Turkey has earned the unenviable accolade of being the world’s most prolific jailer of journalists. Once held in high regard as an emerging secular democracy, the country has been dragged by Erdogan into the dark ages of oppression, human rights abuses and the erosion of democratic freedoms. In one day in October last year, the Turkish Government shut down 15 Kurdish media outlets, bringing the total of outlets closed during the Government’s declared state of emergency to 168. The number has grown since. Indeed, the suppression of Kurdish media, in particular, has reached the comical heights of a children’s cartoon channel being closed.

Turkish state oppression is not confined to the recent referendum on expanding the President’s powers, widely regarded to have been rigged, or the post-coup-attempt state of emergency. On Tuesday this week, Oguz Güven, an online editor of an opposition daily paper, was sentenced to more than three years in prison for “making terrorist propaganda”. The charge relates to a tweet from the paper’s account about the death of a state prosecutor in a traffic accident; although the tweet was deleted within 55 seconds, it has cost Mr Güven more than three years of his life.

Yesterday, Aysenur Parildak, a former court reporter for another daily paper that has been closed by the Government, was sentenced to seven and a half years for

“being a member of an armed terrorist organisation”.

She maintains that her only crime was reporting on the notorious Turkish justice system; she regrets having done so and wishes that she had never done it. Of course, that is exactly what Erdogan wants. He wants not just to crush what little free press remains but to create an environment where no one is able to step up and take the place of those thrown in jail.

The trial against Nedim Türfent, a reporter for the pro-Kurdish Dicle News Agency, resumed last week despite the fact that all 17 prosecution witnesses withdrew their testimonies, telling the court that they had testified under torture and threats from the police against a journalist they did not know. During the first, second, and third hearings of the trial, all 17 witnesses who had submitted testimonies against Türfent withdrew their statements and said that they had originally signed the testimonies because police had threatened them, yet the trial continues.

Today we stand in solidarity with Oguz, Aysenur, Nedim and the many other jailed journalists, lawyers, politicians, opposition activists and human rights defenders in Turkey. We tell them that they are not alone, and we tell the Turkish Government that we are watching and that we demand an end to its oppression.

13:35  

I thank Ivan McKee for raising this subject in debate today, and I thank all members for their thoughtful contributions. Clearly there is a lot of support across the chamber for the day of the imprisoned writer. Scottish PEN, Amnesty International and others have a crucial role to play in raising awareness of, and showing solidarity with, writers who face persecution for expressing themselves. I join other members in thanking them for their work.

I will come to the central question of freedom of expression shortly. First, I would like to point out my belief that it is the job of Government not just to promote freedom of expression but to promote a broader culture that gives space for literature and writing to flourish. Daniel Johnson reflected on that point and on the precious nature of democracy and our freedom.

Tonight, I will speak at Literature Alliance Scotland’s literary cabaret, which has been established to pay tribute to Scotland’s publishing, festivals, libraries, writers and international activities. It will be a celebratory event and a reminder of the richness in Scotland’s writing talent. Today’s debate is a telling reminder of how not all parts of the world are able to promote and draw on writing so freely.

In Scotland, we defend fiercely the right to say what we think. That is something that we so often assume without thinking, but it is worth pointing out that that right is established and protected in law, both internationally and in Scotland. Following world war two, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, which is described as a

“common standard of achievement for all peoples and all nations”,

set out fundamental human rights to be universally protected, including the right to freedom of opinion and expression. Since then, freedom of expression has been given practical effect in the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and the European convention on human rights. The Scotland Act 1998 and the Human Rights Act 1998 require that Scottish legislation, the acts of Scottish ministers and the actions of public authorities in Scotland all comply with the rights that are contained in the European convention.

We all have an obligation to respect the rights of others, perhaps especially the right to hold views that we disagree with. Pluralism in democracy is vital and fundamental to our individual autonomy and to the health of our society—or any society. That is why the motion is right to highlight the importance of defending and supporting freedom of expression for every person. Gillian Martin focused in her speech on the freedom of expression of a Basque writer.

Last week, in a speech in London, the United Nations secretary general identified winning the battle of ideas as being key in the fight against terrorism. He stated plainly that, when we protect human rights, we are tackling the root causes of terrorism. He spoke of the need to

“invest in ... inclusive societies where diversity is perceived as a richness, not a threat,”

and he urged

“Political, religious and community leaders”

to

“fulfil their responsibilities in promoting a culture of tolerance and mutual respect.”

He underlined the importance of

“standing up for free media and the right to dissent, promoting the rule of law, demanding accountability and justice”,

adding that

“the brave activists and civil society organisations that take on these issues ... are keeping us all safe.”

The legal protections that we have in Scotland are essential in themselves and as statements of a commitment throughout society to uphold this essential feature of any modern democracy. The day of the imprisoned writer reminds us that there is no such commitment in many parts of the world. Indeed, as noted by Reporters Without Borders in this year’s world press freedom index, there has been a significant decline in press freedom in nearly two thirds of the 180 countries. Peter Chapman referred to the situation in Mexico, and the case studies that are highlighted in the index demonstrate that not just journalists but poets, bloggers, novelists, artists and film-makers in Africa, Asia, South America, Europe and the middle east have suffered threats, attacks and imprisonment, and have even been killed for their activities.

In May, I met Ensaf Badawi, whose husband Raif—whom Sandra White referred to—was sentenced to 10 years in prison and 1,000 lashes for setting up a website that championed free speech in Saudi Arabia. In Russia, journalists who seek to uncover issues such as corruption often face threats, violence and harassment. Fifty-eight journalists have lost their lives in Russia since 1992. Andy Wightman spoke about the Russian situation.

Since last year, Turkey has been the world’s biggest jailer of journalists. Ross Greer and Rachael Hamilton set out their concerns about Turkey in their speeches, and Ruth Maguire set out one very personal case. In my last two brief conversations with the Turkish ambassador and consul general, I have raised the systemic issue of imprisoned writers. Tavish Scott is right to urge members of this Parliament to take responsibility not just to debate but to act.

The Istanbul 10, who were detained on 5 July while attending a workshop to discuss ways to continue their human rights work in Turkey’s state of emergency, is of course an issue of massive concern. After months of campaigning by the global Amnesty movement, on 26 October the Istanbul 10 were released from jail on bail. However, Amnesty Turkey’s chair, Taner Kiliç, remains behind bars awaiting trial.

When we consider such people, it is essential that we remember that they are being treated in that way for doing something that we would consider to be normal, acceptable and worthy of supporting and encouraging. It is impossible to overstate the importance of standing with all those throughout the world who make personal sacrifices to defend and uphold human rights. An important part of that is being absolutely steadfast in defence of our own rights and freedoms.

Beyond our borders, we remain determined to promote democracy, the rule of law and fundamental human rights. As we mark the day of the imprisoned writer and reflect on the individuals who have been highlighted by Scottish PEN and others, our shared goal must be to stand with those who suffer in this way and make it our ambition to do all that we can to ensure that freedom of expression is maintained throughout the world. As Ivan McKee said, words matter. Writers matter. This Parliament says that imprisoned writers and their creative minds matter to us.

I am sure that many of us in the chamber would agree with Gandhi, who reflected:

“You can chain me, you can torture me, you can even destroy this body, but you will never imprison my mind.”

Words matter. Writers matter. Imprisoned writers matter to us.

13:43 Meeting suspended.  

14:30 On resuming—